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VOL. I. 














VOL. I. 




The Hgfht of Translation i* reserved 


dktab at Stalioiwrs' lall 

2 2 1974 







The Quarterly Review of July 1858 made the European 
world familiar with, the fact that The Nizam is "the 
greatest Mahommedan power in India." Yet any infor- 
mation of this power is not only fragmentary, but is scat- 
tered through works many of which are questionable for 
accuracy in various respects, if not utterly unreliable from 
the prejudiced channel of communication. Mount Stuart 
Elphinstone's India, and Grant Duff's History of the Mah- 
rattas, are about the most liberal, certainly the very best 
authorities; but these largely repeat, or represent accu- 
rately, what had previously been published, with, of course, 
not a little additional information. 

I submit this work only as a compilation. Of the three 
continuous accounts that I have seen of The Nizam, the 
first, by Sir Henry Eussell, has appeared, in portions, in 
different publications, and principally in Hamilton's Gazet- 
teer ; the second is a precis, prepared for some case before 
the Government of India, in the Bengal Secretariat, which 
was almost bodily reproduced, in Calcutta, by Eushton's 
Gazetteer, in 1841 ; and the third is a resume, got up by 
the late Colonel Duncan A. Malcolm, while Assistant- 



Eesident at Hyderabad. This last manuscript was pur- 
chased at Baroda by a Parsee, at the sale of the Colonel's 
effects, on his death as Eesident at the Gaikwar's Court. 
The first portion of this manuscript proved to be Grant 
Duff's narrative in another form, with some uncomplimen- 
tary observations upon the great Nizam-ool-Moolk, in 
which the Mahratta historian does not indulge ; but the 
second portion, as comprising the subsequent history 
reaching to Colonel Malcolm's own times, is invaluable, 
not only for the ability with which the work has been 
performed, but the patience and care that must have been 
necessarily bestowed in obtaining and arranging the ma- 
terials. Colonel Malcolm also wrote, in 1844, an account 
of the " Hyderabad Contingent," which was largely ab- 
sorbed in an article on the subject that appeared in the 
Calcutta Review of March 1849. I need scarcely do more 
than notice a trifling memoir of Nizam Alee which ap- 
peared in Calcutta about the year 1803, under the joint 
auspices of Colonels William Kirkpatrick and John Mal- 
colm, from the pen of one Hollingbery, who was probably 
some time previously in the Eesident's office at Hyderabad. 

I think it merely necessary to mention the foregoing, 
since my own collection of works on India and upon 
Oriental subjects, is second only to that of the Asiatic 
Society in Western India. For much of the matters re- 
lating to individuals I have to thank friends, in different 
parts of India, familiar with them. 

I would now entreat of those interested in the welfare 
of India to notice specially, that when the Britisli Govern- 
ment was in debt to the Nizam, we took not only our time 



to repay him, but when we did repay him we allowed 
him no interest upon that debt. All this time his alliance 
was our salvation. He went in with us against common 
enemies — Mysoreans and Mahrattas. Half a century 
afterwards, when the relations were altered, we not only 
charged the Nizam interest upon the money that we 
advanced on his account, but we insulted his dignity 
with unbecoming words ; and when there was some hesi- 
tation on his part to execute the treaty assigning the re- 
venues of certain districts for the liquidation of this debt, 
an English officer was seen, for days together, moving 
about the outworks of the city with telescope in hand, as 
if ascertaining the defences to some dangerous intent. 

I may be considered to deal hardly with the British 
Government in respect of the furniture at the Eesidency ; 
but, happily for me, the late Professor H. H. Wilson, in his 
continuation of Mill's History of British India^ says, in a 
note (i. 527. Lib. ed.) : " A fourth of the second share of 
the prize-money of Seringapatam was to be paid to the 
Nizam, and, with a prudent regard for the interests of 
British trade, the Government of Madras thought it ex- 
pedient to convert the amount into broadcloth, plate, 
china, glass, and the like, in order to initiate his Highness 
and his court into a taste for the elegant superfluities of 
European living." 

It were well now to inquire, as Sir Henry Eussell did in 
his evidence before a Select Committee of the House of 
Commons on the 19th April, 1832, — " In what character, 
and for what purpose, do we appear in India ?" Sir Henry 
himself gives the reply : — "If we are to act as mere phi- 



lanthropists, and to consider only how we can best im- # 
prove the moral and political condition of the Indian 
population, we may govern them as we would govern one 
another, and the sooner we can make them wise enough 
and strong enough to expel us from the country, the 
greater will have been our success. If we go as subjects 
of England, for the extension of English power and the 
improvement of English interests, a different course must 
be pursued. We may govern them as kindly as we can, 
— it is our interest as well as our duty to do so ; but we 
must retain all substantial power in our own hands, and 
must remember that, be our objects what they may, the 
natives of India can never stand upon the same level with 
ourselves, — they must be either above us or below us." 
This evidence was only recently quoted by the late 
lamented Major-General Sir Mark Cubbon, in the papers 
that he furnished upon the re-organisation of the army in 
India, and appears in the Supplementary Blue-book upon 
the subject. 





Situation and Size of Country. — Original Hindoo Occupation. — Early 
Mahommedan Conquerors of Hindoosthan. — Their Conquests in the 
Deccan. — Mahommedan Dynasties of the Deccan. — Proceedings of 
the Emperor Akbar and of the Emperor Shah Jehan. — Sack of 
Hyderabad by the Moguls under the latter Emperor . Page 1 


Mogul Sovereignty of the Deccan by Viceroys. — Independency of 
Nizam-ool-Moolk and his Policy towards the Mahrattas . 16 


Origin of the Family of the Nizam, and general Designation by Natives 
in India. — Azeem Khan, afterwards Killick Khan, arrives at Delhi, 
and is noticed by Shah Jehan. — Elevated by the Emperor Aurung- 
zebe. — Dies from the Effects of a Wound at Beejapoor. — His Son 

Ghazee-ood-Deen's Employment under the Mogul Government. 

Saves the Army before Beejapoor under Command of the Em- 
peror's Son. — Subsequent Services and Death. — His Son Nizam- 
ool-Moolk's Career and Death . . . . . . 33 




Naseer Jung assumes the Government and is killed. — Succeeded by 
Moozuffir Jung, who is also killed. — Salabut Jung chosen as Suc- 
cessor. — Ghazee-ood-Deen the Second is poisoned. — Salabut Jung 
subsidises Troops of the French. — Is thrown into Prison by Nizam 
Alee, who usurps the Throne and murders him . . Page 55 


Nizam Alee seizes the Government. — Advances upon Poona and allows 
the Plunder of the City. — Hyderabad unsuccessfully besieged by the 
Mahrattas. — Janojee Bhonslay deserts Nizam Alee and kills his 
Prime Minister. — Nizam Alee enters into a Compact with the 
Peishwa against Janojee. — Treaty with General Calliaud. — Further 
Treaty with the Madras Government. — Difficulty about the Guntoor 
Circar, Death of its Jagheerdar, and final Settlement of that Circar. — 
Governor-General explains Part of the Treaty of 1768. — Nizam 
Alee's military Force joins the British at Seringapatam, 1790. — 
Mahrattas besiege Nizam Alee in the Fort of Kurdlah ; and thus 
conclude a favourable Treaty. — English Subsidiary Force dismissed 
and Circumstances attending its Recall. — Treaty of 1798. — French 
Corps dismissed. — The Nizam's Army again accompanies the British 
against Seringapatam, 1799. — New subsidiary Treaty of 1800. — 
Commercial Treaty of 1802. — Death of Nizam Alee . . 65 


Secunder Jah. — Naseer-ood-Dowlah. — Ufzool-ood-Dowlah, the reign- 
ing Nizam, and his Resources ...... 85 


The Mahommedan Schismatics at Court. — Titles of Mahommedan and 
Hindoo Nobles. — Raja Ragonath Dass, the first Prime Minister. — 
Syud Lushkur Khan. — Shah Nuwaz Khan. — Bazalut Jung. — 
Nizam Alee. — Raja Purtab Wunt. — Rokun-ood-Dowlah. — Aristo 
Jah. — Meer Allum. — Mooneer-ool-Moolk. — Shums-ool-Oomrah. 
— Raja Chundoo Lall. — Suraj-ool-Moolk. — Salar Jung, Mook- 
theear-ool-Moolk, the present Premier . . , . 118 




The Nizam's Connection with the French and English, and Termination 
of that Connection with the French .... Page 150 


The Nizam's Connection with the French and English, and Termination 
of that Connection with the French — {continued) . . 192 




Treaty entered into by the Honourable East India Company and his 
Highness the Nizam, under date the 14th May, 1759 . . 225 

Treaty with the Nizam, under date the 12th November, 1766 . 226 

Translation of a Sunnud under the seal of Nizam Alee Khan for the 
five Circars . . . . . . . . . 230 

Translation of a Discharge under the seal of Nizam Alee Khan to 
Oomdut-ool-Moolk, Suraj-ood-Dowlah, Mooneer-ood-Deen Khan 
Bahadoor, Munsoor Jung, Foujdar of the Carnatic Payeen Ghaut, 
from the borders of the Palnand country to the further extremity of 
those of the Malabar country, and to the sons and heirs of the said 
Oomdut-ool-Moolk Bahadoor . . . . . .231 

Translation of the Petition supposed to be presented by Oomdut-ool- 
Moolk Bahadoor's Wukeel 231 


Translation of an Obligation given to his Highness Nizam Alee, by Gene- 
ral Calliaud, on the part of the Nuwab Suraj-ood-Dowlah Page 232 

Translation of an Obligation given to his Highness Nizam Alee, by 
General Calliaud, on the part of the Nuwab Sirraj-ood-Dowlah 232 

Treaty of Perpetual Friendship and Alliance concluded, in February 
1768, by the Honourable East India Company with the Nuwab of 
the Carnatic and the Soobah of the Deccan .... 233 

Translation of a Sunnud, under the Soobah's seal, dated the 22nd of 
the moon Shavul, 1181, equal to the 12th of March, 1768 . 243 

Translation of a Sunnud, under the Soobah's seal, dated the 22nd of 
the moon Shavul, Hijree 1181, equal to the 12th of March, 
1768 . . Ydpi 244 

Translation of a Sunnud, under the Soobah's seal, . dated the 21st 
of the moon Shavul, Hijree 1181, equal to the 11th of March, 
1768 f . . . ^ . 245 

Translation of a Sunnud under the seal of the Soobah, dated the 21st 
of the moon Shavul, Hijree 1181, equal to the 11th of March, 
1768 245 

Translation of the Zimir, containing a petition, which is supposed to 
be presented by the Mutesuddees, and to have been signed by the 
Soobah, signifying his consent thereto . . . . .2-46 

Translation of a Sunnud, under the Soobah's seal, dated the 21st 
of the moon Shavul, Hijree 1181, equal to the 11th of March, 
1768 m .C^'-gg^fjfa- 

Translation of a Discharge, under the Socbah's seal, dated the 2nd 
of the moon Shavul, Hijree 1181, equal to the 11th of March, 
1768 . .247 

Translation of a Sunnud, under the Soobah's seal, dated the 21st 
of the moon Shavul, Hijree 1181, equal to the 11th of March, 
1768 . . . . . 247 

Treaty of Alliance with Bazalut Jung, 1779 . . . 218 

Circular addressed to all Deshmookees, Zumeendars, Deshpandias, 
and Tenants of the Circar of Murtezanuggur, commonly called 
Guntoor 251 


Translation of the Nizam's Order to Seyf Jung for the Surrender of 
the Guntoor Circar to the Company, delivered to Captain Ken- 
naway, the Resident at the Nizam's Durbar, the 18th September, 
1788 k Page 251 

Copy of a Letter from Earl Cornwallis to the Nizam, deemed equal to a 
Treaty, written 7th July, 1789 252 

Extract from the Journals of the House of Commons, 15° Martii, 
1792 257 

Tripartite Treaty of 1790 257 

Treaty with the Nizam, with two separate articles, 1798 . . 260 

Separate Articles appertaining to the Treaty with the Nizam . 265 

Separate Article appertaining to the Perpetual Subsidiary Treaty, 
concluded between the Honourable English East India Company 
and his Highness the Nuwab Asoph Jah Bahadoor, on the 1st Sep- 
tember, Anno Domini 1798 266 

Partition Treaty of Mysore, 1799 267 

Separate Articles of the Treaty with the Nizam . . . 278 

Treaty with the Nizam, dated the 12th October, 1800 . . 279 

Separate and Secret Articles 287 

Commercial Treaty with the Nizam, dated the 12th April, 1802 . 292 

Instrument under the signature of the Governor-General in Council, 
delivered to the Nizam (Secunder Jah) on his accession to the 
musnud, recognising all the former treaties and engagements with 
Nizam Alee deceased . . . . . . . .295 

Engagement between Secunder Jah and the Company, dated the 7th 
August, 1803 . . 296 

Additional Article of Treaty between the Honourable East India 
Company on the one part, and his Highness Nuwab Nizam- ool- 
Moolk Asoph Meer Ukbur Alee Khan Bahadoor, Soobah of the 
Deccan, his children, heirs, and successors on the other; to be con- 
sidered as appertaining to the treaty of perpetual and general de- 
fensive alliance concluded at Hyderabad on the 12th of October, 
Anno Domini 1800, or 22nd of Jemmadee-ool- Awul, Anno Hegirae 

1215 • . .297 

vol. i. a 



Partition Treaty of Hyderabad, with his Highness the Soobehdar of 
the Deccan, 1804 Page 297 

Treaty between the Honourable East India Company and his Highness 
the Soobehdar of the Deccan, and his children, heirs, and successors, 
for the further confirmation of friendship and unity of interests, 
concluded through the agency of Charles Theophilus Metcalfe, 
Esquire, Resident at the court of his said Highness, by virtue of 
full powers to that effect vested in him by his Excellency the most 
Noble Francis Marquis of Hastings, Knight of the Most Noble 
Order of the Garter, Knight Grand Cross of the Most Honourable 
Order of the Bath, one of his Britannic Majesty's Most Honourable 
Privy Council, Governor-General in Council, appointed by the 
Honourable the Court of Directors of the said Honourable Com- 
pany, to direct and control all their affairs in the East Indies, and 
Commander-in-Chief of his Majesty's and the Honourable Com- 
pany's Forces, dated the 12th December, 1822 . . . 300 

Treaty confirmatory of former Treaties, dated the 17th October, 
1831 306 

Treaty between the Honourable the English East India Company and 
his Highness the Nuwab Nizam-ool-Moolk Asoph Jah Bahadoor, 
settled by Colonel J. Low, C.B., Resident at the court of his High- 
ness, by virtue of full powers to that effect vested in him by the 
Most Noble James Andrew Marquis of Dalhousie, Knight of the 
Most Ancient and Most Noble Order of the Thistle, one of her 
Majesty's Most Honourable Privy Council, and Governor- General, 
appointed by the Honourable Company to direct and control all 
their affairs in the East Indies, dated the 21st May, 1853 . 308 

Supplemental Treaty between her Majesty the Queen of Great Britain 
on the one part, and his Highness the Nuwab (Ufzool-ood-Dowlah 
Nizam-ool-Moolk Asoph Jah Bahadoor) on the other part, settled by 
Lieutenant-Colonel Cuthbert Davidson, C.B., Resident at the court 
of his Highness, by virtue of full powers to that effect vested in 
him by his Excellency the Right Honourable Charles John Earl 
Canning, G.C.B., Viceroy and Governor- General of India, and one 
of her Majesty's Most Honourable Privy Council, dated the 7th 
December, 1860 316 




Minute by the Most Noble the Governor- General of India Page 319 

From the Secretary to the Government of India with the Governor- 
General to the Resident at Hyderabad . . . , 322 

From Major-General J. S. Fraser, Resident at Hyderabad, to Sir H. 
M. Elliot, K.C.B., Secretary to the Government of India with the 
Most Noble the Governor- General '. 326 

Minute by the Most Noble the Governor- General of India . 334 
Letter to his Highness the Nizam of Hyderabad . . . 352 

From the Secretary to the Government of India with the Governor- 
General to the Resident at Hyderabad . . . . 359 

From Major-General J. S. Fraser, Resident at Hyderabad, to Sir H. 
M. Elliot, K.C.B., Secretary to the Government of India with the 
Most Noble the Governor-General, Simla .... 364 

Translation of Khureeta addressed by his Highness the Nizam to the 
Most Noble the Marquis of Dalhousie, Governor-General of India, 
26th Zeecadah, 1267 H. (23rd Sept., 1851) ... 366 

From Major-General J. S. Fraser, Resident at Hyderabad, to Sir H. 
M. Elliot, K.C.B., Secretary to the Government of India with the 
Governor-General, Simla 369 

Translation of Suraj-ool-Moolk's Observations, made on 4th July, 
1851 380 

From Colonel J. Low, C.B., Resident, Hyderabad, to C. Allen, Esq., 
Officiating Secretary to the Government of India, in the Foreign 
Department, Fort William 381 

Minute of a Private Conference held by Colonel J. Low, C.B., with 
his Highness the Nizam, in the forenoon of the 12th of March, 1853. 
no third person being present till towards the end of the visit, when 
the Nuwab Suraj-ool-Moolk was called in . . . . 384 



From Colonel J. Low, C.B., Resident at Hyderabad, to C. Allen, Esq., 
Officiating Secretary to the Government of India in the Foreign 
Department, Fort William Page 390 

From Colonel J. Low, C.B., Resident at Hyderabad, to C. Allen, Esq., 
Officiating Secretary to the Government of India in the Foreign 
Department, Fort William . . . . . .' 393 

Translation of a Memorandum delivered the 2nd of May, 1853, by 
Colonel Low, Resident at Hyderabad, to the Nuwab Suraj-ool- 
Moolk 403 

From Colonel J. Low, C.B., Resident at Hyderabad, to C. Allen, Esq., 
Officiating Secretary to the Government of India, Fort Wil- 
liam 405 

From Colonel J. Low, C.B., Resident at Hyderabad, to C. Allen, Esq,, 
Officiating Secretary to the Government of India, Fort William 414 

Translation of a Note from the Resident to Shums-ool-Oomrah, dated 
12th May, 1853 418 

Translation of a Note from Shums-ool-Oomrah Bahadoor to the Resi- 
dent, dated 13th May, 1853 420 

From Colonel J. Low, C.B., Resident, Hyderabad, to C. Allen, Esq., 
Officiating Secretary to the Government of India, Fort William 421 


i lljU NIZAM: 










If the curious reader can lay out before him the Map of 
India which accompanies the first two volumes of The 
Wellington Despatches, published in 1852, he will at once General - 
see the distribution of the pleasant lands of India in the 
last year of the last century. Within what ic properly 
called the Peninsula he will observe nearly its half, and 
that in the centre with a tendency to eastward, coloured 
blue. That blue portion is the country of The Nizam. 
Yet it is not all that he had only a half-century earlier — 
for, by the Treaty with the British Government of 1759, 
he ceded Masulipatam and other districts ; by the Treaty 
of 1766, the Northern Circars ; and by the death of its 

VOL. I. b 



chap. Jagheerdar in 1788, the Guntoor Circar. The authority 
— \ — • of the founder of the State of Hyderabad is said to have 
General. ex ^ en( j e( j f rom the jSTerbudda to Trichinopoly, and from 
Masulipatam to Beejapoor. Orme makes it still larger— 
" in a line nearly north and south from Burhanpoor to 
Cape Comorin, and eastward from that line to the sea." * 
The area of the country The Nizam now hoTds is com- 
puted to be 95,337 square miles. It lies between the 
15th and 21st degrees of north latitude, and the 75th and 
82 nd degrees of longitude, forming a lateral square of 
more than 450 miles each way. This tract is washed by 
the Krishna with its feeders, the Beema and Tumboodra, 
the Wurda and its tributaries, and the great Godavery 
with its contributary streams of the Doodna, Manjera, and 
Pranheeta. «Jfc 
This country of The Nizam, called Hyderabad after ^he 
capital, is three times larger than either Mysore or Gwa- 
lior — the next two large powers with whom we have 
subsidiary treaties ; ten times larger than Holkar's country 
— Indore ; and almost as large as both Nepaul and Cash- 
mere together — the two independent powers in alliance 
with the British. Deccan, from the Sanskrit Du,xun, signi- 
fies south, and was originally applied to the country lying 
south of the ISTerbudda and Mahanuddee rivers, consisting 
of the five principal divisions called Drawed, Carnatic, 
Telingana, Gondwana, and Maharashtra. "Europeans," 
writes Grant Duff, "have adopted the Mahommedan 
definition, and the modern Deccan comprises most of Telin- 
gana, part of Gondwana, and that large portion of Maha- 
rashtra which is above the western range of Ghauts, and 
which extends from the Nerbudda to the Krishna." f 

* Orme's Hindoosthan, i. 158. 

t Grant Duff's Mahrattas, i. 73. 



Hyderabad in the Deccan is commonly used in contra- 
distinction to Hyderabad in Scinde, which latter, to pre- 
vent mistake, is usually spelt Hydrabad. 

This country of The Nizam consists of elevated table- 
land, never less than 1800 feet above the level of the sea, 
and has always been populated. Tradition has it, that 
for long it formed a large part of Telingana — the king- 
dom of those Telingas whose descendants are now the 
blackest of the people of India, with the most delicate 
facial lines. Hindoo history is at best fable when treating 
of past ages, and for any correct knowledge of the country 
we are indebted to Mahommedan travellers or scholars 
entertained by the royal bounty of the Emperors of Delhi. 
The Institutes of Akbar refer to this territory as a dis- 
trict of Berar, in the Hindoo sovereignty of Telingana, of 
which Warangole, or Wurungul properly, was the capital 
— that Wurungul being now one of the subdivisions of 
The Nizam's country. 

Among the entertaining stories furnished by Oriental 
history — and in this instance I am guided by the light 
cast by the illustrious Mount Stuart Elphinstone — no- 
thing can surpass for marvel the origin of the founders of 
the empire terminating in the Mahommedan sovereignty 
of the Deccan. 

One of the dynasties formed after the breaking up of 
the empire of the Khaleefs was that of Samanee, which 
terminated after a lapse of 120 years. ' Abdool-melek, 
the fifth prince of his race, had a Toorkee slave, by name 
Alptegin, whose " original duty is said to have been to 
amuse his master by tumbling and tricks of legerdemain. 
It was the fashion of the time to confer offices of trust on 
slaves, and Alptegin being a man of good sense and cour- 
age, as well as integrity, rose to be governor of Khorasan." 



chap. This Alptegin afterwards assumed the independent govern- 

i, . ment of the country about the mountains of Sooleeman to 

General, the Indus, making Ghuznee his citadel, This he held 
for fourteen years, up to the time of his death, and thence 
founded the house of Ghuznee. His death occurred in 
the year 976. Alptegin had " a slave named Sebektegin, 
whom he purchased from a merchant who brought him 
from Toorkistan, and whom by degrees he had raised to so 
much power and trust that, at his death, he was the 
effective head of his government, and in the end became his 
successor." He also married a daughter of his benefactor. 
In the action that Sebektegin had with Jeipal, Eaja of 
Lahore, at Laghman, at the mouth of the valley which 
extends from Peshawur to Cabool, he conquered, and 
made great slaughter among the enemy, as well as took 
possession of the country up to the Indus, leaving an 
officer, with 10,000 horse, as his governor of Peshawur. 
On this occasion the Affghans and Khiljees of Laghman 
not only tendered their allegiance but furnished useful 
recruits to the country. 

These Khiljees, who are said to be of Tartar origin and 
to have come from a larger settlement about the source of 
the Jaxartes, had settled even then, during the tenth cen- 
tury, in that portion of the Afghan country between 
Sistan and India for some time, and had been closely 
connected with the Affghans. I enter into this detail 
merely to show that in 1288, when Kaikobad, the last of 
the Mahommedan slave-kings of Delhi, was assassinated, in 
the competition for the throne between the Tartar chiefs 
and those of the old kingdom of Ghuznee, " the Khiljees 
seem, from the ability of their chief or some advantage of 
their own, to have been at the head of the latter class ; 
they prevailed over the Tartars, and Jelal-ood-Deen Khiljee 



was raised to the throne." Jelal-ood-Deen opened his chap. 

government by successful warfare upon Malwa, leaving - ^— 

the further attack upon that country to his nephew Alia- General * 
ood-Deen, who, after proved valour in some engagements, 
was allowed by his uncle to assemble an army, with which, 
in the year 1294, in the expressive language of Elphin- 
stone, he " opened a new era in the history of India. 
He resolved to attempt the hitherto untried adventure of 
an invasion of the Deccan ; and setting out, with 8000 
chosen horse, from Karrah " (of which he was the governor), 
" made his way through the extensive forests that still fill 
the space between that place and Berar ; threw the princes, 
whose country he was approaching, off their guard, by 
pretending to have left his uncle in disgust fand having 
thus reached EUichpoor, he turned to the west, and pro- 
ceeded by rapid marches to Deogiree, the main object 
of his expedition. Deogiree (now Dowlutabad) was the 
capital of Eamdeo, a prince of so great power that the 
Mahommedans look on him as King of the Deccan." Alla- 
ood-Deen attacked and took Deogiree as well as obtained an 
immense payment in money and jewels, besides the cession 
of Ellichpoor and its dependencies ; the raja was further 
to pay tribute annually. Alla-ood-Deen, on his return to 
Hindoosthan, had his uncle Jelal-ood-Deen assassinated, 
and mounted the throne of Delhi. In 1305 he sent an ex- 
pedition, under Maleek Cafur, a eunuch who had been the 
slave of a merchant at Cambay in Goozerat, to attack 
Wurungal, the capital of Telingana, and to reduce the 
Eaja of Deogiree, who had of late withheld his tribute. 
The force failed in its object, from various causes ; but a 
6econd, sent in 1312, again under Cafur, accomplished all 
the objects of the expedition, together with the death of 
the Eaja of Deogiree, the son of the previous prince. 

B 3 



chap. With the extirpation of the Khiljee family, the house of 
— ^ — > Toghlak, the son of a Toorkee slave by an Indian mother, 

General. g ame d the ascendancy ; and during their government, it 
is said, that in 1322 the monarch's son, Juna Khan, failed 
in an expedition against Wurungul ; but the year following 
reduced that fortress and took Beder, a place of strength 
and importance. This Juna Khan, upon the death of his 
father, mounted the throne under the name of Sultan Ma- 
hommed,but he is known in history as Mahommed Toghlak. 
He is said to have been the most elegant and most ac- 
complished prince of his age, but full of wild schemes of 
aggrandisement. Besides the conquest of Persia and the 
invasion of China, he projected also the transfer of his 
capital from Delhi to Deogiree, to which he gave the 
name of Dowlutabad — the gift of fortune. " So soon as 
the fancy struck Mahommed, he ordered the whole of the 
inhabitants of Delhi to remove to Deogiree. . . . After 
this, the people were twice permitted to return to Delhi, 
and twice compelled, on pain of death, to leave it. One of 
these movements took place during a famine, and caused 
a prodigious loss of life ; and all were attended with rum 
and distress to thousands. The plan entirely failed in the 
end." In 1 347, four years before the death of Mahommed 
Toghlak^Iusan Ganga, an officer of high station in the 
Deccan, headed a successful revolt against his liege lord, 
and established what is known as the Bahmanee dynasty 
of the Deccan*, fixing his capital at Goolburga. This 

* Husan Ganga, the first king of dentally found a treasure in his field, 

the Deccan, was an Affghan of the he had the honesty to give notice of 

lowest rank, and a native of Delhi. it to his landlord. The astrologer 

He farmed a small spot of land be- was so much struck with his inte- 

longing to a Brahmin astrologer, grity that he exerted all his influence 

named Ganga, who was in favour at court to advance his fortunes, 

with the king ; and having acci- Husan thus rose to a great station in 


dynasty extended through 171 years, and thirteen gene- chap. 
rations ; and from this period it is admitted that foreign . L 
mercenaries were largely received into the service of the General 
Hindoo monarchs around, by Ferishta's account com- 
prising Persians, Turks, Calmucs, et hoc genus omne, as 
well as Abyssinians from the neighbouring seaboard on 
the west. 

With the extinction of the Bahmanee family in 1512 
-sprang the separate Mahommedan governments in the 
Deccan respectively of Beejapoor, Ahmednugger, Beder, 
EUichpoor, and Golconda. To employ the language of 
Mill, " after plotting and struggling for several years, four 
of the great Oomrahs declared themselves independent in 
their several governments ; and a fifth, who remained at 
the court, reduced the power of the sovereign to a shadow 
and ruled in his name. Mahmood's nominal sovereignty 
lasted for thirty-seven years, during which the Deccanee 
empire was divided into five several kingdoms — that of 
Beejapoor, or Viziapoor, founded by Eusof Adeel Khan ; 
that of Ahmednugger, founded by Ahmed Nizam Beheree; 
that of Berar, founded by Ahmed-ool-Moolk ; that of 
Golconda, founded by Kootub-ool-Moolk, their respective 
governors; and that of Ahmedabad Beder, founded by 
Ameer Bereed, who rendered himself master of the person 
and throne of his master, and retained the provinces 
which had not been grasped by the other usurpers. This 
revolution, after being several years in progress, was con- 
summated about the year 1526. , . . A temporary union 

the Deccan, where his merit marked now, from a similar motive, added 
him out among his equals to be their that of Bahmanee (Brahmin), by- 
leader in their revolt. He had be- which his dynasty was afterwards 
fore assumed the name of Ganga, distinguished. — Elphinstone's In- 
in gratitude to his benefactor ; and dia, ii. App. - 

d 4 



chap, of the Shahs of Beejapoor, Golconda, and Ahmednugger 
— ^ — * in 1564, enabled them to subvert the empire of Beeja- 
GeneraL nU gg er anc [ reduce the power of its chief to that of a 
petty raja. The kingdom of Beder, which had fallen to 
the share of Ameer Bereecl, was, during the reign of his 
grandson, destroyed, and its territories, which were not 
large, divided among the other usurpers of the Bahmanee 
dominions. A similar fate awaited the portion of Ahmed, 
which consisted of the southern part of Berar ; it sub- 
sisted as a kingdom only four generations, and was an- 
nexed to his dominions by the King of Ahmednugger in 
the year 1574. Deccan was therefore, at the time when its 
invasion was projected by the Moguls, divided among the 
sovereigns of Beejapoor, Ahmednugger, and Golconda." 

In the year 1593, when Akbar, the Emperor of Delhi, 
found " himself master from the mountains of Persia and 
Tartary to the confines of the Deccan, he cast his eyes on 
the contiguous land. He gave directions to his governors 
in the provinces nearest the Deccan to prepare as nume- 
rous armies as possible, and to omit no opportunity of 
extending the empire. He despatched ambassadors to the 
kingdoms of Deccan more with a design to collect informa- 
tion than to settle disputes. And at last a great army un- 
der Meerza, the son of Behram who had reduced Goozerat, 
marched in execution of this project of unprovoked aggres- 
sion and unprincipled ambition. ... In addition to this 
army Akbar sent orders to his son Morad, to whom he 
had committed the government of Goozerat, to join him 
with all his forces : Meerza had already been reinforced 
with the troops of Malwa, governed by another son of 
the emperor, and by 6000 horse belonging to the King 
of Khandeish, who had endeavoured, by submission, 
to avert the ruin which resistance would insure. The 



combined army marched upon Ahmednugger, to which chap. 
they laid siege. The place was defended with great > — ^_ 
bravery till provisions began to fail in the Mogul army, General « 
when the generals opened a negotiation, and agreed, upon 
condition of receiving Berar, to raise the siege of Ahmed- 
nugger and evacuate the kingdom. The pain felt by the 
king at the loss of Berar soon prompted him to an effort 
for its recovery. His army fought a drawn battle with 
the Moguls. The resolution and ardour of Meerza led him 
to renew the engagement on the following day, when he 
defeated indeed the enemy, but was so weakened by his 
loss as to be unable to pursue the fugitives or to improve 
his victory. Meerza was soon after recalled. In his ab- 
sence the Ahmednugger arms gained some advantages, 
and the Mogul interests declined. But in 1598 Mirza 
was restored to the army in the Deccan, to which the 
emperor proceeded in person. Ahmednugger was again 
besieged and at last compelled to open its gates. The 
territory of Ahmednugger was formed into a province of 
the Mogul empire, and its government conferred upon 
Daniel, one of the sons of Akbar. The emperor did not 
long survive these new acquisitions." 

Between the fall of Ahmednugger at the close of the 
reign of Akbar and the year 1632, when the Emperor 
Shah Jehan took the field, the following are the principal 
events which had taken place in the Deccan : — The ter- 
ritories of the Nizam Shah or Ahmednugger sovereignty 
were divided between Maleek Umber, who possessed from 
the Telingana frontier to within eight miles of Ahmed- 
nugger and four of Dowlutabad, and Eajoo Minnan, who 
ruled from Dowlutabad northward to the borders of Guze- 
rat and southward to within twelve of Ahmednugger ; 
while Mortiza the Second, a prince of the royal house of 


chap. Ahmednugger with the empty name of sovereign, was 
_ \ allowed to hold the fortress of Ousch, with a few villages 
General, to yield him subsistence. Perpetual contests subsisted 
between the usurpers, and Umber succeeded at last in 
taking Rajoo prisoner and seizing his dominions. Umber 
was now a sovereign of high rank among the princes of 
the Deccan, governed his dominions with wisdom, and 
exacting something more than respect from the kings of 
Beejapoorand Golconda, held in check the arms of Jehan- 
geer himself. He built the city of Gurkeh, now called 
Aurungabad, five kos from Dowlutabad, and died two years 
before the present expedition of Shah Jehan, at eighty 
years of age, leaving his dominions the best cultivated 
and the happiest region in India. Futteh Khan, the son of 
Umber, succeeded him. Mortiza the Second, still alive, got 
him by treachery into his power, and recovered once more 
to the house of Mzam Beheree, the remaining part of the 
Ahmednugger territories. He did not retain them long. 
Futteh Khan regained his liberty and ascendancy, and 
with the concurrence of Shah Jehan, whom he con- 
sulted, put Mortiza to death, and placed his son, only ten 
years of age, upon a nominal throne. The Beejapoor and 
Golconda sovereignties remained nearly in the same situa- 
tion in which they had been found and left by Akbar. 
Mahommed Adeel Shah was now on the throne of the for- 
mer, Abdoolla Kootub Shah on that of the latter kingdom. 

The emperor duly arrived at Burhanpoor, the capital of 
Khandeish, and sent his mandates to the princes of the 
Deccan to disband their forces, deliver up Lodee,.and make 
their submission in person on pain of destruction. The 
celerity of the emperor had allowed to Lodee too little 
time to make the preparations which resistance to so for- 
midable an enemy required. But he had already engaged 



the three sovereigns of the Deccan in a confederacy for chap. 
his support, and had influence to make them reject or L 
evade the commands of the emperor. He was entrusted General, 
with a body of troops, and seizing the passes of the moun- 
tains, opposed the entrance of the Mogul army into Gol- 
conda. The emperor, impatient of delay, removed his 
general, and commanded the vuzeer to take upon himself 
the charge of destroying Lodee and chastising the inso- 
lence of the princes of the Deccan. The princes were 
already tired of the war and alarmed by its dangers. 
The reputation and power of the vuzeer augmented their 
apprehensions. Lodee was deserted by all on the day of 
battle, except by a few chiefs, his friends, who adhered to 
him with their retinues. With these he posted himself 
on an advantageous ground, and long arrested victory 
against the whole might of the imperial arms. A party 
of those who were sent in all directions to secure the 
country at last came upon him in a place from which 
there was no retreat, and he fell defending himself to the 
last extremity. Shah Jehan exhibited the most indecent 
joy when assured of his destruction — the measure of his 
terrors when this brave man was alive. After the con- 
quest of Lodee, the war in the Deccan was little else than 
a series of ravages. The princes were able to make little 
resistance. A dreadful famine, from several years of ex- 
cessive drought which prevailed throughout India and a 
great part of Asia, added its horrid evils to the calamities 
which overwhelmed the inhabitants of the Deccan. The 
princes sued for peace and the emperor agreed to with- 
draw his army, which he now found it difficult to subsist, 
on condition of retaining, as a security for good behaviour, 
the forts which had fallen into his hands. 

Turning now to the more explicit narrative of Elphin- 



chap, stone. " The Deccan, therefore, was as far as ever from 
L , being subdued ; and Shah Jehan perceived the necessity 

General. f returning in person to that country to make another 
effort to reduce it. He marched from Agra towards the 
end of 1635, and on arriving in the Deccan, he adopted 
his former plan of breaking his army into divisions, and 
sent them, in the first instance, to recover the kingdom 
of Ahmednugger. When they had driven Shahjee from 
the open country, and reduced many of his principal 
forts, Shah Jehan turned his whole force on Be,ejapoor, 
took several strong places, and constrained Mahommed 
Adeel Shah once more to shut himself up in his capital. 
The talents which had delivered him during the former 
siege did not desert him on this occasion. He laid waste 
the country for twenty miles round Beejapoor, destroy- 
ing every particle of food or forage ; filled up the wells, 
and rendered it impossible for any army to support itself 
during an attack on the city. The Moguls were therefore 
reduced to the plunder of his territories, and met with 
frequent losses from the spirit and activity of his detach- 
ments. Both parties ere long were wearied with this sort 
of warfare ; and Adeel Shah making the first overture, 
peace was concluded on terms much more favourable 
than he could have expected. He consented to an an- 
nual payment of 200,000^ a year to Shah Jehan ; but 
he was to receive in return a share of the Nizam Shahee 
dominions, which much extended his territory on the 
north and east. 

At an early period of this invasion Shah Jehan had 
overawed the King of Golconda and had forced him to 
desist from reciting the name of the King of Persia in 
the public prayers, and to agree to pay a regular tribute. 
These transactions being concluded, Shah Jehan returned 


to his capital, and the kingdom of Ahmednugger was at chap. 
length extinguished for ever. L 

Since the last pacification, Abdoolla Kootub, Shah of General. 
Golconda, had paid his tribute regularly, and had shown 
a desire to secure the favour of Shah Jehan, who, but 
for a particular concurrence of circumstances, would 
probably never have wished to molest him. The Prime 
Minister of Abdoolla was a person named Meer Jumla. 
He had formerly been a diamond merchant, and had 
been known and respected throughout the Deccan for his 
wealth and abilities long before he attained his present 
high station. His son, Mahommed Ameer, a dissolute and 
violent young man, had drawn on himself the resentment 
of Abdoolla Kootub Shah, and had involved his father in 
a dispute with the court. Meer Jumla was absent in 
command of an army in the eastern part of the kingdom 
of Golconda ; and finding himself unable to obtain such 
concessions as he desired from his own sovereign, deter- 
mined to throw himself on the protection of the Mogul. 
He applied to Aurungzebe, to whom, as well as to the 
emperor, he was already known. Such an opportunity of 
interference afforded an irresistible temptation to a man 
of Aurungzebe's intriguing disposition, and he strongly 
recommended the case of Meer Jumla to his father's 
favour. Shah Jehan, influenced by this advice, des- 
patched a haughty mandate to Abdoolla Shah to redress 
the complaints of his minister ; but Abdoolla was further 
irritated by this encroachment on his independence, and 
committed Ameen to prison, while he sequestrated the 
property of Meer Jumla. Shah Jehan, now provoked in 
his turn, sent orders to his son to carry his demands into 
effect by force of arms ; and Aurungzebe, who had been 
waiting impatiently for this result, entered with alacrity 



on the duty, and executed it in a manner suitable to his 
wily nature. 

Without any further manifestation of hostility, he sent 
out a chosen force, under pretence of escorting his son, 
Sooltan Mahommed, to Bengal, for the purpose of cele- 
brating his nuptials with the daughter of his own brother, 
prince Soojah, who was viceroy of that province. The 
road from Aurungabad to Bengal made a circuit by 
Masulipatam, so as to avoid the forests of Gondwana, 
and thus naturally brought the prince within a short 
distance of Hyderabad, the capital of Golconda. Ab- 
doolla Shah was preparing an entertainment for his re- 
ception, when he suddenly advanced as an enemy, and 
took the king so completely by surprise, that he had 
only time to fly to the hill fort of Golconda, six or eight 
miles from the city ; while Hyderabad fell into the hands 
of the Moguls, and was plundered and half burned before 
the troops could be brought into order. 

Aurungzebe had, before this, found a pretence for 
assembling an army on the nearest point of his pro- 
vince, and being joined by fresh troops from Malwa, he 
had ample means of sending on reinforcements to Gol- 
conda. Meer Jumla also in time drew near, and was 
ready to turn his master's arms against himself. Ab- 
doolla Shah, on his first flight to the hill fort, had released 
Mahommed Ameen, and given up the sequestrated pro- 
perty ; and he did all in his power to negotiate a reason- 
able accommodation ; while at the same time he spared 
no effort to procure aid from Beejapoor : no aid came, 
and the Moguls were inexorable; and after several at- 
tempts to raise the siege by force, he was at last under 
the necessity of accepting the severe terms imposed on 
him. Those terms were : — To agree to give his daughter 


in marriage to Sooltan Mahommed, with a dowry in ter- chap. 
ritory and money ; to pay a crore of rupees (1,000,000/. ^. *; _.. 
sterling) as the first instalment of a yearly tribute, and 
to make up the arrears of past payments within two 
years. Shah Jehan would have been content with easier 
terms, and did in fact make a great remission in the 
pecuniary part of those agreed on, but the rest were 
executed, and the Mogul prince returned to Aurungabad. 





chap. In the year 1683 Aurungzebe, now the occupier of his 
^_J^__^ father's throne, advanced to Burhanpoor with a vast 
vice? 1 s arm y f° r tne P ur P ose 01> subjugating the Deccan, which 
had almost wholly got under the control of Sumbhajee, 
the Mahratta monarch. During the halt Aurungzebe 
made at Burhanpoor, to regulate certain plans that he 
contemplated, he directed his son, Sultan Mauzum after- 
wards known as Shah Allum, to proceed from Ahmed- 
nuggur with his whole army and reduce Sumbhajee's 
southern territory, whilst another prince of the blood 
royal, variously called Sooltan Azeem or Azeem Shah, 
dealt with the northern forts. Sultan Azeem accordingly 
marched towards Salheir, where much resistance was 
expected, inasmuch as it was an important fortress, and 
its acquisition by the Mahrattas had afforded them faci- 
lity for their inroads through Khandeish ; but Neknam 
Khan, the Mogul killidar of Molheir, who joined the 
prince on his advance, had obtained a previous promise 
from his neighbour, the Mahratta havildar, to surrender 
Salheir as soon as the army came before it. Such nego- 
tiations being always doubtful in their issue, Eeknam 
Khan had prudently communicated the agreement to the 
emperor only. The place, however, was evacuated, and 



the prince, with the feeling of a very young commander, chap. 
disappointed in the expected fame of the conquest, ex- v_J^L_ 
pressed great displeasure at being sent on such a service. ykSoys. 
He was shortly after recalled, and Shahaboodeen Khan 
ordered to reduce the remainder of the forts ; but having 
met with unexpected resistance from the havildar of 
Eamseje, by whom his troops were repeatedly repulsed, 
Khan Jehan Bahadoor was sent to repair the failure, but 
with like success. 

Meantime, Shahaboodeen Khan was directed to march 
to the relief of Shah Ahum, in the Concan, whose sup- 
plies had been cut off by the Mahrattas, though other- 
wise successful in his campaign. Shahaboodeen advanced 
in this object as far as Mzampoor, near Eaigurh, when 
he was opposed by Sumbhajee, whom he defeated, pro- 
bably in a very partial action ; but small advantages are 
always over-estimated in unsuccessful campaigns — Shah- 
aboodeen, being a personal favourite with the emperor, 
and at the head of a body of Tooranee Moguls, whom it 
was the emperor's desire to conciliate, was honoured with 
the title of Ghazee-ood-Deen, and the recollection of his 
failure at Eamseje purposely obliterated. " Such is the 
earliest account," remarks Grant Duff, in his work on 
the Mahrattas, " in the history of the Deccan, of the an- 
cestor of the family of Nizam-ool-Moolk, afterwards so 
conspicuous in the annals of that country." 

Ghazee-ood-Deen's next service was to move on under 
the orders of the emperor, with a body of troops from 
Jooneer to Ahmednuggur, to counteract the movements of 
the Mahrattas in that direction. Having accomplished this 
purpose, and while operations were going on against Bee- 
japoor by the emperor, Sooltan Azeem, who commanded 
the royal troops on the occasion, found that, as he ap- 

VOL. I. C 


chap, proached that once opulent city, the enemy cut off the 
— ; — . communication between him and the camp at Sholapoor, 
icerojs interrupted his supplies, destroyed foragers, harassed the 
army by false attacks and skirmishes, and in a very short 
time the prince was in great distress. The scarcity in 
his own camp prevented the emperor from forwarding 
supplies from Sholapoor, where he had taken position. 
Ghazee-ood-Deen Khan was, therefore, ordered to bring 
twenty thousand bullock-loads of grain from Ahmed- 
nuggur, and carry it on to Azeem Shah's force, reinforced 
by a strong detachment under Dulput Eao, from the 
grand army. This service was well performed by Ghazee- 
ood-Deen. The Beejapoor troops saw the necessity of 
cutting off his convoy, and made a desperate attempt to 
effect their purpose, but they were defeated ; and after a 
well-contested action, the prince's troops were rescued 
from the disgrace and destruction which the loss or delay 
of the convoy had rendered unavoidable. Aurungzebe 
expressed himself more gratefully to Ghazee-ood-Deen 
for thus relieving his son, than for any service ever per- 
formed by his officers. 

The emperor himself shortly moved to Beejapoor. 
The walls of the city were of immense extent, and the 
fort which communicates with it is six miles in circum- 
ference. To invest the latter closely, therefore, required 
the presence of the grand army. There were different 
breaching batteries erected, but the principal one was on 
the south face. Shirzee Khan and three other nobles 
were the officers who defended the fort. The garrison 
was not numerous; but although ill-paid and short of 
provisions, they still showed some remains of Patan 
valour, and fought with obstinacy. The emperor, as he 
saw they must surrender, and as the occasion was not 



pressing, deferred the assault after the breach was prac- chap. 
ticable, choosing rather to trust a little to the effects likely . — -i— 
to be produced in them by reflection on their hopeless y\^ ys 
situation, embittered by privation, than to assault men 
who, under such circumstances, would have fought with 
desperation and exulted in an opportunity of dying with 
their swords in their hands. 

Aurungzebe was not disappointed ; for although they 
had an inner fort much stronger than the outer works, 
the garrison were so much in want of provisions that they 
were compelled to surrender on or about October 15th, 
1686. Shirzee Khan concluded the terms through Ghazee- 
ood-Deen, to whom the emperor, agreeably to custom, 
when he received such proposals through any of his 
officers, was pleased to assign the nominal honour of the 
conquest. Beejapoor henceforth ceased to be a capital, 
and was soon after deserted. Viewed as mere ruins, the 
remains of that city as they at present exist are exceed- 
ingly grand, and, as a vast whole, surpass anything of the 
kind in Europe. 

Early the next year, whilst the emperor advanced to- 
wards Goolburga, on pretence of paying his devotions 
at the tomb of a celebrated saint, Ghazee-ood-Deen was 
required to move in a direction east and somewhat south 
of Beejapoor, to intercept any reinforcements likely to be 
sent from Sugger, Aclonee, or any part of the Carnatic, 
to the assistance of Golconda ; for Aurungzebe was now 
determined effectually to gain that fort. The fort of 
Golconda, after a siege of seven months, fell by treachery 
in the end of September 1687. Adonee was surren- 
dered by its possessor, Musaood Khan, formerly regent 
of Beejapoor, considering resistance as altogether hope- 

c 2 



chap, less, to Ghazee-ood-Deen, with whom was the Sooltan 
* r- — ' Azeem. 

vicSoys. ^ n 1705 the Mahrattas once again rose in those for- 
midable masses in which they were wont to appear and 
to devastate the country. Aurungzebe received accounts 
that they had crossed the river Nerbudda in great force, 
and extended their ravages to the heart of Malwa ; that 
the whole of Khandeish and Berar were overrun, and that 
15,000 Mahrattas had broken into Goozerat and defeated 
the troops of the assembled royal officers. 

Ghazee-ood-Deen was successfully employed against 
the Mahrattas, and for his distinguished services was 
appointed Soobehdar of Berar. 

Aurungzebe died in 1707, and his son Sooltan Mauzum, 
or Shah Allum the First, who succeeded him, died five 
years afterwards. The distractions which then prevailed 
by the usual contentions of the emperor's sons, the conse- 
quent revolution effected for his grandson Ferokshere, 
and the barbarous execution of Zoolfikur Khan were fol- 
lowed by important changes in the government of the 
Deccan. Of these changes, the first to be mentioned was of 
much importance, both as it removed Daood Khan, then 
in charge, from the government, and as it brought a 
person to the temporary charge of the viceroyalty who 
subsequently bore a leading part in Deccan affairs. This 
was the appointment of Cheen Killick Khan, the son of 
Ghazee-ood-Deen, of whom I shall have occasion to make 
larger mention in a subsequent chapter. The title of Cheen 
Killick Khan, with a munsub of 5000 horse, was con- 
ferred on him when a very young man by Aurungzebe, 
under whom, in the latter years of that emperor's reign, 
he held the important post of Soobehdar in the province 
of Beejapoor. Cheen Killick Khan had materially contri- 



buted to the success of the two Syuds, to whose bravery, chap. 
skill, and exertions Ferokshere owed his throne. Cheen 
Killick Khan, who was known to be the enemy of Zool- Jf. ^ 

17 Viceroys. 

fikur Khan, was immediately appointed to succeed to the 
viceroyalty of the deceased minister, and dignified with 
the title of Mzam-ool-Moolk, whilst Daood Khan was re- 
moved to the government of Guzerat. Mzam-ool-Moolk, 
in taking charge of his viceroyalty, adopted the wise policy 
of making cause with Sumbhajee's party among the Mah- 
rattas, and in this object he lent aid in certain military 
operations, which resulted in nothing very important ; but 
Grant Duff especially mentions that " as Mzam-ool-Moolk 
favoured the Kolapoor party, Sumbhajee's influence was 
increased as that of Shao was diminished."* The intrigues, 
however, at the imperial court, owing to the influence of 
the two Syuds, who held in their hands the entire ad- 
ministration, affected the distant provinces in respect of 
those who governed them. On the death of the Emperor 
Ferokshere in 1718, two princes succeeded each other 
on the throne, who died within seven months. Eoshun 
Ikhtiar, the son of Jehandur Shah, and grandson of Sooltan 
Mauzum, was then raised to the imperial dignity, by the 
title of Mahommed Shah ; but the two Syuds, by whom 
all these changes were effected, conducted the affairs of 
the empire with absolute sway and with the usual watch- 
ful jealousy of usurpers. They held the reins with a 
strong hand ; but they were naturally desirous of retaining 
the services of such nobles of experience and ability as 
were not supposed hostile to their party. Of this number 
was Mzam-ool-Moolk, but that officer was secretly ini- 
mical to their power. He had been removed from his 

* Grant Duff's Mahrattas, i. 432. 

v c 3 



chap, government in the Deccan to make room for Hoosain 
— * Alee Khan, and appointed to Mooradabad, where he had 

iceroys distinguished himself by his activity in reducing to order 
some rebellious zumeendars of the -province, who had 
sheltered themselves in the Sewaleek mountains. He was 
recalled to court by the emperor, and remained at Delhi 
for some time unemployed, but was at last despatched as 
governor of the province of Malwa, at the recommendation 
of the elder Syud. Although daring and ambitious, Mzam- 
ool-Moolk inherited the temporising policy of his father, 
and he was induced, on the confinement of Ferokshere, to 
profess his allegiance to the pageant emperor whom the 
Syuds had set up. He continued in his government of 
Malwa ; but observing the troubles and disorders likely 
to arise, he waited in expectation of some favourable op- 
portunity to aggrandise himself during the revolutionary 
period, of which he foresaw the approach. 

It was now the year 1720, and the measures which the 
Syuds adopted were the reverse of conciliatory ; they were 
respected by the people, but they neither gained the good 
will of the nobility nor of the emperor whom they had 
raised. Mzam-ool-Moolk, encouraged by these appear- 
ances of discontent, and secretly incited by persons in the 
confidence of Mahommed Shah, formed the resolution of 
throwing off his dependence on the Syuds, and of resisting 
their authority, by possessing himself of the resources of 
the Deccan. He was aided in his projected scheme by 
Murhummut Khan, a disaffected officer of considerable 
talent, whom he had gained ; and the awakened suspicions 
of the Syuds determined his purpose. 

Assuming the title of Asoph Jah, Nizam-ool-Moolk 
crossed the Nerbudda at the head of 12,000 men. The 
fort of Asseerghur was given up to him by Jalib Khan 



for a sum of money. Burhanpoor was surrendered by chap. 

another Mahommedan officer. The whole of Khandeish . J^: 

submitted in a very short time. Several of the Mahratta 

J < Viceroys. 

chiefs, who were discontented with their leader Shao, as 
well as some troops, belonging to Sumbhajee, from Kola- 
poor, attached themselves to his standard. 

At this juncture there were two armies in the interests 
of the Syuds at no great distance from each other ; the 
one under Deelawur Alee Khan was on the frontiers of 
Malwa, and the other, called the army of the Deccan, 
was stationed at Aurungabad with the deputy-viceroy, 
Alum Alee Khan, a nephew of the Syuds, left in charge of 
the government when his uncle Hoosain Alee Khan de- 
parted for Delhi to depose Ferokshere. As the rains were 
at hand, Mzam-ool-Moolk probably contemplated that the 
advance of the former might be obstructed by the swell- 
ing of the Nerbudda and Taptee, and that he should be 
able to decide the fate of the Deccan and become master 
of its resources before the deputy viceroy could be rein- 
forced from Hindoosthan. Deelawur Alee Khan, however, 
marched with such rapidity that he crossed the rivers 
whilst still fordable, but either incapable of perceiving or 
disdaining the advantage which would have been insured 
by forming a junction with the troops at Aurungabad and 
intent only on attacking his enemy, he marched straight 
for Burhanpoor. Mzam-ool-Moolk prepared to receive 
him, and being aware of the impetuous character of his 
adversary, adopted an order of battle suggested by his 
experience of Deccan warfare. Mzain-ool-Moolk sent 
forward and displayed a part of Ins army to stimulate the 
ardour of Deelawur Alee Khan, who rushed upon them, 
pushed forward in imagined victory, was drawn into an 
ambuscade, defeated, and slain. 

c 4 



chap. Allum Alee Khan, the deputy- viceroy, had not assembled 
< — ^ — , the whole of his army when news of this disaster reached 
Mogul Aurungabad. He was speedily joined by the Mahratta 

Viceroys. ° sr j o j 

troops of Shao's force, and advanced towards Burhanpoor, 
pushing the Mahrattas to harass his opponent. Mzam- 
ool-Moolk, who had been busily employed in preparing 
his own troops and sowing sedition among those of his 
adversary, likewise advanced ; but the Poorna river being 
greatly swollen, his march was for a time interrupted until 
a ford was discovered. The Mahratta horse on each side 
had frequent skirmishes as the Mogul armies approached 
each other ; but Nizam-ool-Moolk, previous to engaging, 
stationed his Mahrattas at a village some distance in the 
rear. Choosing an arrangement nearly similar to that by 
which his late success had been achieved, Mzam-ool-Moolk 
attacked his adversary at Balapoor, in Berar Payeen 
Ghaut, drew him into an ambuscade, where, after great 
efforts of personal valour, and after many of his troops 
had fled or deserted to his enemy, Allum Alee Khan at 
length fell, surrounded by Mahrattas slain in his defence. 

The news of this second victory, which was gained by 
Nizam-ool-Moolk about the end of July, was received at 
Delhi with consternation by the Syuds, but with secret 
satisfaction by the emperor. Various were the plans pro- 
posed by the two brothers ; but it was at last determined, 
instead of yielding the government of the Deccan to 
Mzam-ool-Moolk — a measure strongly advised by their 
Hindoo agent, Euttun Chund — that the younger Syud, 
Hoosain Alee Khan, should march for the Deccan, taking 
with him the emperor and a well-appointed army suffi- 
cient to crush this formidable rebel. 

Accordingly, Hoosain Alee Khan, accompanied by the 
emperor, having made every preparation, took leave of his 




brother, and commenced his march southward. The Too- chap. 
ranee Moguls — friends and countrymen of Mzam-ool- — A — 
Moolk — dreaded the event of a war in the Deccan ; but 
stimulated by the success of Mzam-ool-Moolk, whom they 
considered a chief of their tribe, and encouraged by the 
connivance of the emperor, a conspiracy was formed 
against the life of Hoosain Alee Khan by three daring 
individuals, on one of whom fell the lot of striking the 
blow. The assassin effected his deadly purpose at the 
expence of his life. The surviving conspirators, Mahom- 
med Ameen Khan and Sadut Khan, joined by Hyder 
Koolee Khan, immediately placed the emperor at the 
head of such troops as they could command, proclaimed 
their resolution of freeing him from the tyranny of the 
Syuds, and after considerable bloodshed obtained the 
ascendancy in camp, and the imperial standards were 
advanced towards the capital. Syud Abdoolla Khan, on 
hearing of this revolution, by means of the treasure at his 
command, assembled a large army in a few days, and 
placing on the throne a rival to Mahommed Shah, marched 
forth to punish the murderers of his brother. The armies 
met at Shahpoor, where a bloody contest, long dubious, 
at length ended in the defeat of Abdoolla Khan, who was 
wounded and made prisoner. 

Mahommed Shah, on thus becoming entire master of 
the empire, in gratitude for the services he had expe- 
rienced, appointed Mahommed Ameen Khan his vuzeer ; 
Khan Dowran received the title of Umeer-ool-Omrah ; 
Kummur-ood-Deen Khan, the son of Mahommed Ameen, 
was raised to high dignity ; Hyder Koolee Khan and 
Sadat Khan were also promoted, and all those who had 
distinguished themselves in the battle of Shahpoor were 
rewarded and honoured. 



chap. The emperor entered his capital in splendid procession, 


and for many days nothing was heard but rejoicing and 
viceroys festivity. Letters of submission and professions of loyalty 
poured in from every quarter. Nizam-ool-Moolk offered 
his congratulations. The envoy of the Mahratta monarch 
was equally prompt in paying homage. The chiefs of the 
European factories, through the different soobehdars and 
fouzdars, sent humble offers of congratulation and best 
wishes for his Majesty's long and happy reign. 

Suitable answers and returns were made to all the 
messages, letters, and presents which crowded in upon 
the young emperor. Mzam-ool-Moolk, whose successful 
revolt had been the primary cause of the present 
happy revolution, was particularly honoured, and shortly 
afterwards, in consequence of the sudden death of 
Mahommed Ameen Khan, he was not only permitted to 
retain his viceroyalty, in addition to his government of 
Malwa, but raised to the office of Vuzeer of the Empire. 
Arrangements, however, in the Deccan and Carnatic pre- 
vented his appearing at court until the month of January 

These arrangements affected the existing establishment 
of officers of the Mahratta Government for the collection 
of the revenues of the country under old guarantees from 
the temporising policy and character of JSTizam-ool-Moolk. 
Whilst he apprehended an attack from Hoosain Alee 
Khan he cemented his friendship with Sumbhajee of Kola- 
poor and conciliated Shao, the Mahratta king as he called 
himself, by promising to give up all that the royal grants 
conceded. No sooner was he apprised of the ascendancy 
acquired by his party at Delhi, and of the loss the 
Mahrattas had sustained in the death of one of their 
chiefs, by name Ballajee Wishwanath, than he began to 



start objections to the establishment of Shao's collectors, chap. 
founded on some pretensions set up by rival claimants. - — 
But the wise precautions of Ballajee Wishwanath, and the y^J ys< 
communion of interest which the distribution of the 
ceded revenues had produced, placed the Baja of the 
Mahrattas in a far more commanding situation than that 
in which he had stood during the first period of the 
government of JSTizam-ool-Moolk in the Deccan. The 
vukeel remained at Aurungabad, where his arguments 
would probably have been of little avail ; but a vast army 
of Mahrattas was assembling hi Gungthuree, under the 
Sur Lushkur, and their appearance, no doubt, had con- 
siderable effect in expediting the delivery of orders to 
permit the Baja Shao to establish his collectors. A fresh 
firman, obtained by the Mahratta envoy at Delhi from 
the emperor, opportunely arrived to remove from JSTizam- 
ool-Moolk the appearance of having yielded to menace, 
and afforded an opportunity of evincing the promptitude 
with which he obeyed the imperial commands. 

Nrzam-ool-Moolk, in raising objections, had not contem- 
plated the train which had been laid under the adminis- 
tration of Ballajee Wishwanath ; he wished to procrastinate 
and to involve the Mahrattas in war with each other, but 
for various reasons he was desirous not to precipitate 
hostilities between the Mahrattas and himself. He 
dreaded the increase of their power only as far as it 
affected his own views ; the prospect of aggrandisement 
at the imperial court, which opened to him upon the death 
of the vuzeer, Mahommed Ameen Khan, seemed incom- 
patible with his plan of independent sovereignty ; but he 
was unwilling to relinquish the one or the other. 

His prompt obedience to the royal commands may 
have been favourably viewed by a young monarch just 



chap, emancipated, although it confirmed the alienation of half 
_ ^ — - the revenues of the Deccan ; but Nizam-ool-Moolk, in 
-.°s ul whatever light his conduct might have been regarded at 

iceroys. o o o 

court on this occasion, had the address to gain the good 
opinion of Shao, to flatter and conciliate the Pritee 
Needhee, and to gain the Somunt by bribery. 

On a general view his plans were calculated to pre- 
serve his rank at court and his power in the Deccan — to 
keep alive the old and to create new dissensions among 
the Mahrattas — to preserve a connection with that nation 
in case it should ultimately be useful to direct their 
attacks from his own to the imperial territories, and, 
however inconsistent some of those designs may seem in 
this system of political artifice, through the remainder of 
a long life, Nizam-ool-Moolk not only persevered but 
generally prospered. 

His first object was to ascertain by personal observa- 
tion the character of the new Mogul Government, and 
what he might expect or apprehend from the emperor's 
present friendship or future enmity. He was on his way 
to court when he was recalled for a short time in con- 
sequence of disturbances in the Beejapoor Carnatic, to 
which, after concluding some arrangements, he appointed 
a new soobehdar, and resumed his march for the capital, 
where, as already stated, he arrived in January 1722. 

Mzam-ool-Moolk, on assuming the post of Vuzeer, 
endeavoured to effect some reform at court ; but the 
emperor was not only fond of that mirth and festivity 
natural to his years, but weak in mind, and, as is gene- 
rally the case with persons of that disposition, dissolute in 
his behaviour. The manners of Mzam-ool-Moolk were 
austere and disagreeable both to the emperor and his 
courtiers. Prompt at every base intrigue, they soon 



devised a scheme of freeing themselves from the society chap. 

of Nizam-ool-Moolk. Hyder Koolee Khan had departed 

for his government of Ahmedabad before the return of JJ- ^ 

° t Viceroys. 

Nizam-ool-Moolk from the Deccan, and having committed 
some irregularities, the courtiers, by threatening him with 
punishment from the vuzeer, Nizam-ool-Moolk, and work- 
ing on the passions of both parties, soon inflamed them 
to the utmost, and drove Hyder Koolee Khan to further 
acts of disrespect and disobedience. Nizam-ool-Moolk 
had censured the maimer in which the rebellion of Ajeet 
Sing had been passed over, and being now offered the 
post of Soobehdar of Goozerat, with the commission of 
reducing Hyder Koolee Khan, he readily accepted it. 
On this service it was hoped the Nizam might be long 
employed or fall a victim to the chances of war. 

Hyder Koolee Khan had a well-appointed army, and 
his qualities as a soldier were unquestionable. Nizam- 
ool-Moolk, how T ever, having sent emissaries amongst his 
troops, the greater part of those on whom Hyder Koolee 
Khan had reliance deserted, which made such an im- 
pression upon him, that he feigned insanity, and fled in 
dismay to court, leaving his adversary in the undisturbed 
occupation of the province. Nizam-ool-Moolk, on ob- 
taining this intelligence, halted at Oojein, whither most 
of the principal officers in Goozerat repaired to pay their 
respects to him. All his appointments and arrangements 
were made without proceeding to Ahmedabad ; and as he 
took every opportunity of increasing his own resources, 
and of informing himself of what was passing in the 
country, he set aside five of the most productive districts 
in different parts of the province as his personal jagheer : 
these were Dholka, Broach, Jumbooseer, Mukboolabad, 
and Bulsar. The usual establishment of civil and military 



chap, officers were confirmed or appointed to the imperial 
. _ IL . districts. The jagheerdars in that province were on a 
Mogul' different footing from those appointed by Aurungzebe in 
his late conquest of the Deccan, and agents, generally of 
their own nomination, superintended the revenue and 
police within their respective boundaries. 

The year 1723 had now set in. Nizam-ool-Moolk 
sent his uncle, Hamed Khan, as his deputy to Ahmeda- 
bad, and leaving his cousin, Azeemoolla Khan, Deputy- 
Governor of Malwa, he returned to Delhi. But his 
presence was so disagreeable to the emperor, and mutual 
disgust w r as with so much difficulty suppressed, that 
Nizam-ool-Moolk gladly entered into a compromise, 
accepted the honour of Vukeel-ee-Mootluk, or supreme 
deputy in the empire, and resigned his post of vuzeer. 
Soon after, in the month of October 1723, he took an 
opportunity, on pretence of going on a hunting excursion, 
to depart for his viceroyalty in the Deccan ; and from 
that time, although he always professed obedience to the 
emperor, even when waging war against him, Nizam-ool- 
Moolk became wholly independent; and the countries 
south of the Nerbudcla, the conquest of which had en- 
gaged the Mogul princes in much more than a century 
of wars, were torn for ever from the throne of Delhi. 

The departure of Nizam-ool-Moolk for his government 
in the Deccan in a manner which bespoke distrust, ag- 
gravated by contempt, excited anger and revenge in the 
mind of the emperor. Secret orders were sent to Moo- 
bariz Khan, Soobehdar of Hyderabad, to raise an army, 
and oppose Nizam-ool-Moolk. The viceroyalty of the 
Deccan, for which he received a firman, was to be the 
reward of his success. 

Nizam-ool-Moolk endeavoured, by his usual artifice of 



creating sedition, to break the power of his rival, and chap. 

remained some months negotiating before he advanced * 

against him. He at la^t arrived at Aurungabad in July y£^ ys 
1724, and after protracted discussion, when his plans had 
partly succeeded, he took the field, and a decisive battle 
was fought at Shukurkhara about the 1st October, in 
which Moobariz Khan, after great efforts of personal 
valour, was surrounded and slain. He was gallantly 
supported by four of his sons, two of whom fell with 
him and two were desperately wounded. Mzam-ool- 
Moolk sent the Khan's head to court, with a congratu- 
latory letter on the victory attained by the emperor's arms. 

The declining empire of the Moguls having been 1727. 
tin-own into a state of great anarchy by Nizam-ool-Moolk 
and his countrymen, the Tooranee Moguls, the Mzam, 
relieved from immediate apprehensions from Mahommed 
Shah, the emperor, became alarmed at the spreading 
power of the Mahrattas, and beheld in their systematic 
and persevering encroachments on the divided revenue 
of the Deccan and Carnatic, the extinction of his own 
resources as well as those of the empire. To avert these 
evils by endeavouring to consolidate his own power and 
to create divisions among the Mahrattas, the measures 
which he adopted seem to have been planned with con- 
siderable skill ; but in forming designs, founded on the 
character of the people, he overlooked the abilities of his 
opponent, nor contemplated that he should, in pursuit 
of his own schemes, only strengthen the power of the 

Since the battle of Shukurkhara, Nizam-ool-Moolk 
had fixed his eye on Hyderabad — the ancient capital of 
the Kootub Shahee kings — as fittest for the seat of go- 
vernment of the independent sovereignty which he himself 


chap. } ia d founded ; and it was very desirable for this purpose to 

' 1 — ' remove the Mahratta collectors from that quarter on any 

Viceroys, terms. Although Mzam-ool-Moolk had confirmed the im- 
perial grants in Shao's favour, a great deal of what was 
yielded was not actually given up. Numerous points re- 
mained unadjusted. Shao's part of the agreement to pre- 
vent plundering was not fulfilled, and constant discussions 
were the consequence. A new authority for a part of 
the old Mahratta territory was granted by Nizam-ool- 
Moolk, which particularly specified the fixed personal 
jagheers that Shao agreed to exempt from sequestration. 
Nizam-ool-Moolk had thus effected his first object by 
negotiation, but the negotiation met with the decided 
disapprobation of Bajee Eao, who was ever an enemy to 
consolidation of the nature in question. 

Disputes led to warlike proceedings, and it were long 
to tell, and would scarcely serve the purpose of the general 
reader to know, the tedious particulars of those events 
and intrigues which ended in a secret compact between 
Bajee Eao and Mzam-ool-Moolk, securing to the former 
supremacy as Peishwa, and to the latter a kingdom in the 








I have brought the history of the country known as chap. 
Hyderabad to the time when it comes for me to treat of .._ nL 
the personal history of its present rulers and of their an- Nizam's 
cestors, though I have already sketched portions of the 
career of some of the latter in their capacity as viceroys 
under the Mogul empire. 

The Asopheea dynasty, familiar to European ears by 
the designation of its representative, The Nizam, though 
not so old as the House of Hapsburg, nor with a lineage 
which can be traced, like that of the Guelphs, into " the 
dim twilight of fable," might be proud did it date its 
origin only with that Cheen Killick Khan — better 
known as Asoph Jah — who, when the barons of the em- 
pire were suppressed by the mistress of Jehandar Shah 
and her relations, evinced all the spirit and dignity of our 
great Earl Warwick ; " being rudely stopped in a narrow 
street to make way for a woman who had unbounded 
influence with the mistress, and through her- with the 

VOL. I. D 



chap, emperor, Cheen Killick Khan ordered his attendants to 
' — r 1 — ' repel force with force, dispersed the favourite's retinue, 
Ancestry. an ^ compelled her to quit her elephant and escape on 
foot to the palace."* 

One tradition has it that The Nizam can trace his origin 
to Sheik Shah Aboodeen Soharwurdee, a lineal descendant 
of Aboobukkur Sadeek, the father-in-law of the Mooshm 
prophet. " Shah Aboodeen," continues the manuscript 
from which I quote, " resided in one of the southern pro- 
vinces of Persia, about 500 years ago, and was a con- 
temporary of the Persian poet Sadee, who alludes to 
him in his ' Boosthan' as his morshud, or spiritual in- 
structor. Some of the immediate offspring of the Sheik 
must have subsequently emigrated to Toorkisthan, and have 
located themselves in the vicinity of Samarcand, as they 
are spoken of as following the profession of Oolumma — 
learned men, or lawyers — in that city. The first of whom 
any particular mention is made is Khajeh Ismael, who is 
said to have attained much celebrity for his piety as well 
as knowledge of the law, and to have been honoured, in 
consequence, by his sovereign with the title of Allum- 
ool-Ollumma — wisest of the wise. Khajeh Ismael had, 
among other sons, one named Khajeh Abeed, who was 
born at the village of Allahabad near Samarcand. This 
son, after perfecting his education under the tuition of his 
father, together with that of other learned men, left his 
native country for Bokhara. Here the learning and piety 
of Khajeh Abeed appear to have obtained him great 
celebrity, as he is spoken of as having been raised suc- 
cessively to the dignities of Kazee and Shaik-ool-Islam. 
Neither the period of his residence in Bokhara nor the 

* Elphiustone's India, ii. 549. 



occasion of his leaving it can be ascertained, but about chap. 
the latter end of the reign of Shah Jehan he is to be v v -' t 
found at the Court of Delhi, where he seerns to have been N izam ' s 


favourably received by the emperor. 

The other tradition of The Nizam's ancestry to which I 
•refer is that the family is of Tartar origin, and claims de- 
scent from Baha-ood-Deen — a person much celebrated 
for his devotional zeal as well as for the austerity of his 
life. He took the appellation of Khajeh Nukshbund, and 
was the founder of the order of Nukshbundee Dervises 
which still prevails in Turkey and Tartary. His descen- 
dants to this day generally prefix the word Khajeh to 
their names, and distinguish themselves by the appellation 
of Nukshbundee. Khajeh is a term of honour usually 
applied to persons who are eminent either for their sanc- 
tity or learning. The literal meaning of Nukshbund is 
fixing an impression ; and the term was figuratively 
adopted by Baha-ood-Deen to signify that the impression 
of the Deity was fixed on his mind. Baha-ood-Deen was 
contemporary with Timour, and died towards the close of 
the fourteenth century. Azeem Khan, otherwise Khajeh 
Abeed, was the first of the family who visited India ; he 
went from Samarcand to Delhi in the reign of Shah 

Whatever doubt or difficulty about the remote ancestry 
of the Nizam, these two traditions now join issue as to 
the particular progenitor who paid homage to Shah Jehan. 
Before entering upon that progenitor's biography, it were 
desirable now to notice that the title acquired by his grand- 
son from his sovereign, the Emperor of Delhi, of Nizam- 
ool-Moolk — Eegulator of the Country — has been con- 
tinued in the person of his descendants who have held the 
government of Hyderabad, much in the same way as the 

J> 2 



chap, title taken by the founder of the kingdom of Ahmednug- 
— . gur (in about 1490), Nizam-ool-Moolk, was perpetuated 
AnceTtry. by his descendants and the dynasty called Nizam Shahee; 

or nearer home, so as to be better understood, on the same 
principle that the title of " Defender of the Faith," con- 
ferred upon Henry the Eighth by the Pope of Eome, is 
still adopted by our gracious Queen Victoria. The Nizam 
is a designation which was introduced at Hyderabad by 
Europeans, and is used only by them. Persons in India 
would either call him by one of his titles, or speak of him 
as The Nuwab of Hyderabad. His own subjects call him 
either generally The Nuwab, or Bundagun-ee-Alee, Slaves 
of the Most High — slaves in the plural number, out of 
respect, and corresponding with the style assumed by 
European potentates. Several of the principal nobles at 
Hyderabad are by courtesy called Nuwab Sahib, but the 
Nizam alone is called plain Nuwab. 

Another title of the reigning authority in Hyderabad 
is Asoph Jah — of the rank of Asoph, supposed to 
have been one of the ministers of Solomon, the Hebrew 
monarch ; and the government of Hyderabad is, in conse- 
quence, frequently called the Asopiieea State. All the 
Nizam's sons have the word Jah appended to the names 
given them, and so peculiar is this distinction held to be, 
that a favourite Dew an — Prime Minister — Azeem-ool- 
Oomrah Aristo Jah, is the only person out of the family on 
whom it has ever been conferred at Hyderabad. Every 
title, however, bestowed upon previous Nizams is as- 
sumed by his successor, as will be seen in the instance 
where all these titles are duly recited. 

Until the destruction of the phantom Court of Delhi in 
1857, The Nizam was accustomed to admit that, in point 
of form, he administered his government as the delegate of 



the emperor. Coins were struck in the emperor's name, chap. 
which was also used in the khootba — the special form of > nL 
public prayer for the sovereign. In the seal with which ^ c *^ 
the Nizam authenticated all public acts, he called himself 
" Servant of the Emperor," and although he conferred 
titles on his subjects, he considered that he received his 
own from the emperor. During the existence of the 
Delhi dynasty, the Nizam's official designation was " Soo- 
behdar of the Deccan." The term soobehdar implies 
governor of a province under the authority of a superior 

Returning from a digression, introduced par pareniliese, Kiiiick 
as it will be found useful in the course of this narrative. Khan * 
Khajeh Abeecl, the founder of the fortunes of his family 
in Hindoosthan, was not only favourably received at Delhi 
by Shah Jehan, but was presented with a khilant — dress 
of honour — as well as 5000 rupees, and attached to the 
personal staff of the emperor as a man of letters. On that 
emperor being deposed, in the year 1658, Khajeh Abeed 
accompanied his successor, Aurungzebe, who for the ser- 
vices rendered to him in his contests with his father and 
brothers, appointed Khajeh Abeed Suddur-ool-Suddoor. 
There is no synonymous English expression for this office, 
but under the Moglaee government, the nobleman who 
held it was the minister through whom passed all the 
charitable grants of land conferred by the emperors. 
Khajeh Abeed was soon elevated to the appointment of 
Soobehdar of Mooltan, and his master bestowed upon him 
the titles of Azeem Khan and Killick Khan. The second of 
these titles must not be confounded with that borne by 
his grandson. 

On the second invasion of the Deccan by the Emperor 
Aurungzebe, in 1683, Killiek Khan, who then held the 



chap, military government of the province of Mooltan, was 
. _ n L _ . called on to join the emperor's army with the forces 
Khan k under his orders. At the siege of Beejapoor he acquired 
considerable reputation for military knowledge, and on 
the fall of that place accompanied Aurungzebe to the 
siege of Golconda, during which he received a severe 
wound from a jeenjhal ball, which carried away his right 
arm, and from the effects of which he died in the course 
of three days. His remains were deposited in a tomb 
situated in the vicinity of Uttapoor, a village in the neigh- 
bourhood of Golconda, and about six miles from the city 
of Hyderabad. 

The fortitude with which Killick Khan met his death 
attracted much admiration at the time, and is thus de- 
scribed by the native historian: — "In the year 1686 Kil- 
lick Khan, during the siege of Golconda, was struck by a 
ball from a zumbooruk, which carried away his right arm. 
His courage and fortitude, however, were so great that he 
returned on horseback to his tents. The vuzeer, Jumdut- 
ool-Moolk Asud Khan, was sent by the emperor to in- 
quire after his condition ; and when the surgeons were 
removing the broken bones, Killick Khan continued to 
sit up without support, and to converse with the vuzeer, 
praising the dexterity of the surgeons, and helping himself 
to coffee with his remaining arm. Every endeavour was 
made to save his life ; but the hand of fate was too power- 
ful, and at the expiration of three days he drank the 
sherbet of death from the hands of the messenger of the 

Killick Khan, it will be seen, was " a man of war " as 
well as a man of letters, and his military career would ap- 
pear paradoxical, unless it were explained that Moosulman 
of that time — like abbots of yore — found it easy to ex- 



change the quiet of the cloister for the bustle of the camp. chap. 
A Christian monk, however, might not have known the « — A- 
use of a sword until he had arrived at manhood. Killick f jj^ k 
Khan, if actuated by the same feeling to improve his for- 
tunes which prompted every Mahommedan adventurer 
who passed over from Central Asia to Hindoosthan, his 
antecedents, except on the score of learning — for ulluma 
strictly signifies one versed in the law — were precisely 
those of his fellow-adventurer. In youth he was trained 
to the use of the bow, the spear, and the sword. Eiding 
on horseback was as familiar to him from the moment he 
could toddle alone from his mother's knee as it is to this 
day to every boy from the plains of Arabia to the hills of 
Affghanisthan, and he was specially taught to regard the 
cause of the Crescent and the Koran as the great purpose 
of his existence. Unquestionably this success of Killick 
Khan was largely due to his reception by the emperor, 
but to his great foresight — apparently peculiar to three 
generations after — must be attributed the way in which 
he advanced himself, as well as the respect which he 
commanded from his countrymen, the Tooranee Moguls, 
who seem to have attached themselves to the fortunes 
of the family. Of all his family, it may be said that he 
was the most intellectual as he was the most peaceably 

When Killick Khan quitted Samarcand he left behind 
him a son named Meer Shahaboodeen, who joined him at 
Delhi in 1668. The emperor noticing the young man's 
ability, employed him in the first instance in a military 
expedition against the Eanee of Oodeepore, which he con- 
ducted so much to Aurungzebe's satisfaction, that lie con- 
ferred upon him the title of Ghazee-ood-Deen. His services Ghazee- 
were afterwards transferred to the Concan, where his sue- the First, 


ghazee-ood-deen's death. 

chap, cess against Sumbhajee Mahratta and the capture of the 
fort of Eohairee induced the emperor to confer on him 
Ghazee- the further title of Feroze Juno;. 

ood-Deen ° 

the First, In a former chapter I have referred to Ghazee-ood- 
Deen's services in conducting a large convoy of grain to 
the force besieging Beejapoor. 

On hearing of this success, which proved the salvation 
of his son and army, Aurungzebe, who was then at Au- 
rungabad, is said to have publicly exclaimed, " As Feroze 
Jung has saved the honour of Timour, may God take his 
honour and that of his children under His protection till the 
day of judgment." Not content with this public declara- 
tion of his gratitude, Aurungzebe directed the records of 
the empire to be brought to him, and with his own hand 
inscribed the following entry : — " By the courageous con- 
duct of the son, without guile or deceit, Ghazee-ood-Deen 
Bahadoor Feroze Jung, the fortress of Beejapoor has 
fallen." To his other titles Aurungzebe now bestowed 
that of Ferzund Arjemund, or " dear son." 

After the capture of Beejapoor, Ghazee-ood-Deen ac- 
companied the emperor to Golconda, in the siege of 
which he received several severe wounds. In reward for 
his services on this occasion, and for the capture of the 
forts of Woodgeer and Adonee, he was rewarded by the 
emperor with the rank of Munsub of seven thousand. 

In the campaign against Suntoo Mahratta, whose head 
Ghazee-ood-Deen presented to the emperor, he suffered 
severely from the effects of the climate, and eventually 
lost the use of both his eyes. In consequence of this 
misfortune, the emperor excused his personal attendance 
at court, but still continued to employ him on all trying 
occasions. His last military exploit appears to have been 
the pursuit of Temeah Scindia in 1705 into Malwa, where 

ghazee-ood-deen's character. 


lie overtook and defeated him, and in return for his ser- chap. 

vices received the title of Sipah Salar. On the death of . — , 

Aurungzebe in 1707, Ghazee-ood-Deen, who then held the ^D<Sn 
office of Soobehdar of Berar and Ellichpoor, held aloof the First, 
from all connection with the sons of the late emperor in 
their contentions for their father's throne. On the esta- 
blishment of Bahadoor Shah he tendered his allegiance to 
that prince, and received from him the appointment of 
Soobehdar of Goozerat, where he shortly after died in 1711, 
in the opulent town of Ahmedabad. His remains were 
conveyed to Delhi, and now occupy a tomb near the 
Ajinere gate of that city. 

Ghazee-ood-Deen, shortly after joining his father at 
Delhi, married the daughter of Saadoola Khan, a min- 
ister of the Emperor Shah Jehan, by whom he had a son 
born in 1671, by name Meer Kummur-ood-Deen, after- 
wards known as Asoph Jah, the great Nizam-ool-Moolk. 
Ghazee-ood-Deen in character was not unlike his father, 
but his course through life had been* smoother. He pos- 
sessed great qualities, but most predominant was the 
desire to keep well with all parties, and hence he died as 
he had lived, respected and esteemed by all who knew his 
conciliating disposition. 

The emperor Aurungzebe is said to have early predicted Nizam-ooi- 
the future greatness of Mzam-ool-Moolk. When still a Moo]k ' 
youth, a serious misunderstanding with his father induced 
him to claim the emperor's protection, who espoused his 
cause so far as to effect an apparent reconciliation be- 
tween the parties. He was subsequently employed by the 
emperor in several independent commands against the 
various disaffected tributaries in the southern part of the 

In 1699 mention is again made of Asoph Jah as digni- 



chap, fied with the title of Cheen Killick Klian, and command- 


ing the imperial troops in the vicinity of Bagul Kota. In 
this service he appears to have obtained great favour with 
the emperor for the manner in which he maintained the 
peace of that part of the country. In the years 1700 and 
1702 he was successively elevated to the situation of 
Foujdar of the Carnatic, Beejapoor, and Soobehdar of Bee- 
japoor. At the siege of Wagungurah, which was held 
by the Beder ISTaik of Shorapoor against the forces under 
the emperor, his gallantry attracted the notice of Au- 
rungzebe, who presented him, on the field of battle, 
with one of his own horses, the animal on which Cheen 
Killick Khan himself rode having been killed in a charge 
which he had led against the enemy in the emperor's 

On the death of Aurungzebe at Ahmednugger, Cheen 
Killick Khan attended the remains of his master to the 
place of their interment at Aurungabad. He then ten- 
dered his allegiance to Prince Azeem, who conferred upon 
him the title of Soobehdar of Boorhanpoor, and prevailed 
upon him so far as to accompany him a few marches on 
his ill-fated expedition to Hindoosthan. 

The conduct of Prince Azeem appears, at an early pe- 
riod of his march, to have alienated from him some of 
his most influential followers. Among others, Asoph Jah, 
resenting, it is said, some real or fancied insult, quitted 
the army in open daylight at the head of his troops, and 
retraced his steps to Aurungabad. The prince's advisers 
were urgent with him to adopt measures to put a stop to 
these symptoms of dissatisfaction, and to order the retreat- 
ing troops to be immediately attacked by the whole of the 
imperial forces; but the formidable array before him, 
and the determined character of the chief at their head, 



appears to have overawed the prince and to have rendered chap. 
him irresolute, contenting himself with some sarcastic s _ 
remarks to the purport that he was well rid of such a ^^" ool ~ 
traitor, and that he preferred trying his fortune with a few 
faithful than a host of doubtful friends, he pursued his 
march, and allowed Asoph Jah to retire with drums beat- 
ing and colours flying in triumph in the face of his whole 

During the struggles which subsequently ensued be- 
tween the sons of Aurungzebe, Asoph Jah remained at 
Aurungabad an inactive spectator of passing events. On the 
elevation of Bahadur Shah he was invited to court, where 
his influence and that of his family was secured by his 
elevation to the Soobehdaree of Oudh and Foujdaree of 
Lucknow, with title of Khan-ee-Dowrur, while his father 
was at the same time removed from Berar to the im- 
portant government of Goozerat. 

Disgusted with tl^ frivolity and incapacity of the em- 
peror and the manners of the court, where the most 
worthless favourites were promoted to the highest offices 
of the State to the prejudice of the old nobility, Asoph 
Jah appears to have taken an early opportunity of relin- 
quishing all his appointments and retiring into private 
life. For a considerable period he abstained entirely from 
coming to court, lived in seclusion, and was seldom seen 
abroad, and then only for the purpose of paying a visit 
to some man renowned for his piety or his learning. 

On the advance of Ferokshere from Bengal to assert 
his pretensions to the throne of his ancestors, Asoph Jah 
was induced, at the earnest entreaty of the Emperor 
Jehander Shah, and of his vuzeer, to quit the retirement 
in which he was living, and in which he appears to have 
been equally feared and respected, to take command of a 



chap, large body of troops forming part of the imperial army. 
' — r- — ' At the battle of Agra, which was lost by the cowardice 
MooLk." 001 " °f the emperor, he commanded with credit the right wing 
of that army. He afterwards joined Ferokshere, and on 
the distribution of offices and rewards, conferred on that 
prince's succession to the throne in January 1713, was 
gratified with the title of Mzam-ool-Moolk and the ap- 
pointment of Viceroy of the Imperial Dominions in the 
Deccan, together with the Foujdaree of the Carnatic. 

On his arrival in the Deccan to take up his government, 
Asoph Jah found affairs in the greatest disorganisation 
from the excesses committed by the Mahratta chiefs, who 
had taken advantage of the weakness of the imperial 
armies to collect large bodies of horse, with which they 
ravaged the country and levied choute in every direction 
with impunity. Feuds, however, existed among them- 
selves to a great extent, and of these he availed himself 
with his usual foresight and dexterity to widen the breach, 
and, by favouring the weaker parties, to induce them to 
join the imperial standard. 

At the close of the first year of his residence in the 
Deccan he had made considerable progress in restoring 
his authority, and had projected an expedition to the 
Carnatic, when he was suddenly recalled to Delhi by a 
mandate from the emperor to make way for Hussun Alee 
Khan, a brother of the vuzeer, whom it was found con- 
venient to remove for a time from the court. 

The petty government of Moradabad was subsequently 
conferred on him, where he remained till 1717, when he 
was recalled to Delhi to join a coalition secretly formed 
by the emperor for the destruction of the Vuzeer Abdoolla. 
The intrigue, however, failed through the cowardice and 
imbecility of the emperor at the moment of execution, 



and Asopli Jah, who expected to have succeeded to the chap. 

vacant office, found himself on his arrival at court not only < ^ — - 

deprived of his government of Moradabad, but also of ^^" oo1 " 
the whole of his rich estates in that province, which had 
been transferred to one of the emperor's favourites. 

Irritated with this treatment, and distrusting the cha- 
racter of the emperor, he lost no time in making his peace 
with the vuzeer, who conferred on him the Soobehdaree 
of Malwa, a charge much inferior to his expectations, and 
which he is said to have accepted with much reluctance. 

In the important events which followed each other 
in rapid succession at the imperial court on the return 
of the Syuds to power, terminating in the murder of 
Ferokshere and the elevation of Eoushen Akhter to the 
throne under the title of Mahommed Shah, Asoph Jah does 
not appear to have taken any prominent part. Towards 
the Syuds themselves he entertained feelings of the deepest 
hatred, and although unable at first to offer any open op- 
position to their measures, he lost no opportunity which 
the situation he held afforded him of secretly accumu- 
lating the means for effecting their destruction. 

The disturbed state of the country gave him a pre- 
tence for raising troops, and he became so formidable to 
the Syuds that they made a feeble attempt to remove 
him, offering him the choice of four other governments. 
This only showed him that the time for dissembling was 
passed, and, as he saw the difficulty of establishing any 
permanent control at the capital, he determined to lay the 
foundations of his power on a firmer basis, and turned 
his first attention to the government of the Deccan. Im- 
mediately on his rew)lt, which commenced at Seronge in 
Malwa in April 1720, he marched to the Nerbudda. By 
intrigue and money he obtained possession of the fort of 



chap. Asseerghur, and procured the junction of several officers 
— r- — ' of the province. He was pursued from Hindoosthan by 
[ooik.~° o1 " a force under Deelawur Khan, and another under Allum 
Alee Khan was awaiting him at Aurungabad. He first 
attacked Deelawur, and totally defeated him in a battle 
fought near Burhanpoor, and subsequently engaging with 
Allum Alee, dispersed his forces, after a severe engage- 
ment, near Balapore in Berar. In these engagements both 
the imperial leaders lost their lives. 

The office of Yuzeer of the Empire being now designed 
for Asoph Jah, that nobleman, though early apprised of 
the emperor's intentions, did not deem it prudent to 
repair to court till he had arranged the affairs of the 
Deccan and the Carnatic to his entire satisfaction. He 
then made over his government to his Dewan, Deanath 
Khan, and proceeded towards Delhi, which he reached in 
1722. Shortly afterwards he entered upon the duties of 

His attempt to effect a radical reform in the administra- 
tion, and to check the abuses which had crept into every 
department of the State, exposed him to the displeasure 
of the emperor and his favourites, who had recourse to 
every species of intrigue to thwart the execution of his 

An attempt was subsequently made to get rid of him 
by investing him with the Soubehdaree of Goozerat, then 
in the hands of a turbulent character named Hyder 
Koolee Khan, who was secretly instigated to resist his 
assumption of the government. The result, however, 
disappointed the emperor's expectations, as the vuzeer 
speedily returned to court after having defeated his oppo- 
nent, and strengthened himself with the addition of a 
rich province to his already exorbitant command. 



The mutual aversion of the emperor and his vuzeer chap. 
were not diminished after the return of the latter ; and > — 
it was probably, at the moment, a relief to Mahommed ^J^'° o1 
when his minister, after securing his safety by removing 
on some pretence from the capital, sent in his resigna- 
tion, and marched off for the Deccan. But this measure 
amounted, in reality, to a declaration of mdependence, 
and was received in that light by the emperor himself, 
who, although he graciously accepted Asoph Jah's re- 
signation, and conferred on him the highest titles that 
could be held by a subject, did not on that account remit 
his active hostility. He sent orders to Moobariz Khan, 
the local governor of Hyderabad, to endeavour to dis- 
possess the viceroy and assume the government of the 
whole Deccan in his stead. Moobariz entered zealously 
on the task imposed on him, and, collecting a large army 
in the emperor's name, attacked Asoph Jah at the village 
of Shuker Kerlah, twelve miles from Aurungabad. He 
here lost his life after sustaining a signal defeat ; and as 
the emperor had not avowed the attack which he had 
instigated, Asoph Jah, not to be outdone in dissimulation, 
sent the head of Moobariz Khan to court, with his own 
congratulations on the extinction of the rebellion. 

The advance of the Mahrattas upon Delhi brought 
about a reconciliation between the Emperor Mahommed 
Shah and Nizam-ool-Moolk, when the former prevailed 
on the latter to repair to court, restoring to him the 
government of both Malwa and Goozerat in the name of 
his son Ghazee-ood-Deen, conditionally that the Nizam 
should drive the Mahrattas out of Hindoosthan. The 
Nizam put out all his strength to assist in the object at 
heart with the emperor, but by a mistake, as surprising 
to his friends as to his foes, the Mahratta force sur- 


chap, rounded him, and compelled him to sign a convention at 
— -r 1 — ' Doordee Suraee, near Seronge, on the 11th February, 
Mooik." 001 " 1788 > promising to grant to the Peishwa the whole of 
Malwa and the complete sovereignty of the territory 
between the Nerbudda and the Chumbul, to obtain a 
confirmation of it from the emperor, and to use every 
endeavour to procure the payment of a subsidy of fifty 
lakhs of rupees to defray the Peishwa's expenses. The 
terms of this compact, however, were not fulfilled by the 
Nizam. Meanwhile, Bajee Eao, the Mahratta, seizing the 
opportunity afforded by the absence of the Nizam at 
Delhi, commenced his operations for the conquest of the 
Deccan, by surrounding Naseer Jung, the second son of 
the Nizam, who was encamped in the neighbourhood of 
Aurungabad with 10,000 men ; but a very large body of 
horse and foot, with a numerous artillery, advanced 
to his relief, and having effected a junction, Naseer 
Jung, thus reinforced, attacked Bajee Eao, crossed the 
Godavery in defiance of the Mahratta army, and moved 
in the direction of Ahmednuggur, plundering the villages 
in his route. The Peishwa being joined by a body of 
fresh troops, repeatedly attacked the Moguls, and Naseer 
Jung was at length compelled to retire towards the 
Godavery ; but after several months the Mahrattas, tired 
of the unprofitable war, gladly entered on terms of ac- 
commodation, and a treaty was concluded at Moongee 
Pyetun, by which both parties pledged themselves to 
maintain peace, and mutually to refrain from plundering 
in the Deccan. 

With the year 1740 Hindoosthan was undergoing one of 
those transition conditions which appear to occur some time 
or another in the course of every century. Nadir Shah of 
Persia had plundered Delhi of upwards of thirty millions 



of pounds sterling, and cruelly massacred thousands of chap. 
its inhabitants. Khan Dowran, who was killed in a pre- „ _ IIL . 
cipitate attack on the Persian army, had been succeeded Mooik ° ol ~ 
as vuzeer by Kummur-ood-Deen Khan, the friend of 
Nizam-ool-Moolk, so that the faction of the Tooranee 
Moguls remained in power, though contrary to the secret 
wishes of the emperor. Nizaru-ool-Moolk, dignified with 
the title of Umeer-ool-Oomrah, remained for some time at 
Delhi, but hearing that his son Naseer Jung meditated re- 
bellion, he obtained the emperor's sanction for transferring 
his title of Umeer-ool-Oomrah to his eldest son, Ghazee- 
ood-Deen, and commenced his march for the Deccan. 

On returning to the Deccan, in the beginning of 1741, 
Nizam-ool-Moolk used every endeavour to induce his son 
to submit without coming to hostilities. At last, Naseer 
Jung sent messengers to treat, which so alarmed his 
partisans that most of them endeavoured to make the 
best terms they could. Nizam-ool-Moolk gradually drew 
them over, continued to use fair words towards his son, 
until, in an emotion of generosity, Naseer Jung hastily 
sent back the whole of the park of artillery. Tliis con- 
cession might have obtained an unreserved pardon, but 
as soon as Nizam-ool-Moolk had him in his power he 
wished to humble him completely. Naseer Jung assumed 
the garb of a fakeer, and retired in penitence to Eoza, near 
Dowlutabad ; but his father manifested the same stern 
behaviour, till the young man was so much piqued that 
be listened to the suggestions of Futeh Yab Khan, one of 
his companions, by whom he was persuaded that he might 
still compel his father to submit to any terms. 

Nizam-ool-Moolk, according to his custom, had can- 
toned his troops for the rains ; a part at Aurungabad, 
and the rest at different towns in the neighbourhood. 

vol. I. e 


chap. Futeh Yab Khan suggested to Naseer Jung that they must 
. _ nL . first seize some strong fort; and undertook to surprise 
Nkam-ooi- Mollie ir 9 of whic h Mutuwussil Khan — Naseer Jung's 
brother-in-law — was governor. Futeh Yab Khan suc- 
ceeded in the enterprise, and Naseer Jung immediately- 
joined him. Nizam-ool-Moolk did not expect this at- 
tempt, and made no preparation in consequence. Ap- 
prised of his supineness, Futeh Yab Khan proposed to 
surprise him in Aurungabad. Naseer Jung advanced from 
Molheir with 7000 horse, reached Dowlutabad before 
intelligence of his march had been received, and had 
he pushed on would probably have succeeded in taking 
his father prisoner. He seems, however, to have been 
seized with some compunction for the part he was act- 
ing, and passed the day in prayer at the shrine of a 
celebrated saint; whilst Nizam-ool-Moolk, apparently 
serene but much alarmed, was calling in his detachments. 
His gun bullocks were all at a distance grazing, and 
very few men were in readiness, but he immediately 
pitched his tents and moved out from the city. Before 
next morning, which was the 23rd July, he had a 
respectable force drawn up, with which he coolly awaited 
the approach of his son, who advanced at the head of his 
followers and was repulsed. Finding his troops giving 
way, Naseer Jung impetuously charged his father's stan- 
dard, pushed on towards his elephant, and slew three 
of his bravest attendants one after the other. The driver 
of his own elephant being killed, Naseer Jung sprang into 
his place ; when his brother-in-law, Mutuwussil Khan, 
approaching him, drew an arrow to the head which must 
have transfixed him, had not his son, Heedayut Moideen 
Khan, who sat on the same elephant, stayed his hand and 
saved his uncle's life. At that moment, Syud Lushkur 



Khan, an officer of experience who knew Naseer Jung char 
and the pride as well as the generosity of his disposition, ** L . 
pushed his elephant close by the side of his, saluted him, MoX °° 
and respectfully made room on the seat of his elephant, 
when, overcome by this act of his courtesy, Kaseer Jung 
took the place and was thus carried prisoner to Aurung- 
abad. Nizam-ool-Moolk was exceedingly gratified by 
his son's preservation, but he threw many of his ad- 
herents into confinement, and, to mark his sense of 
Naseer Jung's rebellion, imprisoned him for a short time 
in the fort of Kandhar near ISTandere, but relieved him 
before proceeding to an expedition to the southward for 
motives that will presently be shown. 

Whilst the affairs of Bengal occupied the Mahrattas, 
the attention of Nizam-ool-Moolk was directed to the Car- 
natic, and in his protracted absence from the Deccan 
may be perceived the reason of his conciliatory conduct 
to Ballajee Eao in aiding his pretensions to the govern- 
ment of Malwa. The murder of Sufdur Alee, Nuwab of 
Arcot, by his brother-in-law Morteeza Khan in 1742, and 
the general confusion existing in the Mogul territories 
south of the Krishna, presented a favourable opportunity 
for Nizam-ool-Moolk's interference to establish his power 
and to restore tranquillity to the country. He accord- 
ingly marched from Hyderabad at the head of an im- 
mense army in January 1743, and upwards of a year was 
spent in concluding the arrangements he had contem- 
plated. Moorar Eao was recognised as Chief of Gooty 
by Nizam-ool-Moolk, and evacuated the Carnatic with all 
his troops in August 1743. 

The Mahratta armies which assembled at Sahara in 
the beginning of 1744 were probably contemplated with 
some anxiety by Nizam-ool-Moolk, whose march was 

E 2 



chap, soon directed towards Hyderabad, having left Anwar- 

< — ' ood-Deen Khan, at his own request, in charge of the 

Mooik. °° " government of the Carnatic Payeen Ghaut and appointed 
his own grandson, Heedayut Moideen Khan — better 
known by his title of Moozuffir Jung, as will be seen 
in the course of the narrative — to the Carnatic Bala 
Ghaut, or Carnatic Proper, conferring on him the district 
of Adonee in Jagheer and fixing his head station at 
Beejapoor, whilst that of Anwar-ood-Deen Khan con- 
tinued, as in the time of Daood Khan, at the long- 
established capital of Arcot. Nizam-ool-Moolk, finding 
he had nothing to apprehend from the Mahrattas, directed 
his attention to affairs of internal government, and re- 
duced several forts, the killeedars of which were in 

In 1747-48 Hindoosthan was invaded by the AfTghans 
or Patans, as they are called, under their leader Ahmed 
Shah Abdoolla, who, after being conquered by Nadir 
Shah, the King of Persia, became a military follower of 
Nadir, and was gradually promoted to considerable rank. 
On the assassination of Nadir Shah, Ahmed left the 
Persian army with the whole of his tribe who were in 
camp, and retiring to Herat, which he occupied, was soon 
acknowledged as king by the whole Anglian nation, and 
at this time possessed the eastern half of the dominions 
of Nadir Shah. The Mogul army under Prince Ahmed, 
the emperor's son, successfully opposed the Affghan army, 
which retreated towards Cabool. On this service Kum- 
mur-ood-Deen Khan, the vuzeer, was killed, and shortly 
after followed the death of the emperor himself. On 
Prince Ahmed's accession to the throne he offered the 
vacant vuzeership to Nizam-ool-Moolk, but the Nizam 
excused himself on the plea of his great age. He 



survived the emperor a very short time. He died at chap. 

Burhanpoor, in his 104th year, on the 19th June, 1748. • 

His remains were subsequently removed to Aurungabad Mooik. 
and interred in the mausoleum of Sheik Burhan-ood- 
Deen near that place. 

Nizam-ool-Moolk married at Aurungabad Syud-oon- 
Nissa Begum, the daughter of Nujeeb Oolla Khan Walla 
Shahee, a nobleman of the family of Saadoolla Khan, 
Prime Minister of Shah Jehan, his own maternal grand- 
father. * 

By her he had two sons — Ghazee-ood-Deen and Naseer 
Jung ; and two daughters — Padshah Begum and Mohseena 
Begum. He had also four illegitimate sons — Salabut 
Jung, Bazalut Jung, Nizam Alee, and Mogul Alee; and 
four illegitimate daughters — Budder-oon-Nissa Begum, 
Mah-Bano Begum, Khojeesta-Bano Begum, and Mokur- 
reema Begum. 

There is no more difficult task than to pourtray the 
character of the man who wins dominion by a series of 
feints and resolute acts — now seeming to yield to 
circumstances and then forcing circumstances to yield to 
him. If pliableness of will, unparalleled duplicity, and 
utter unscrupulousness constitute the necessary elements 
to greatness, Nizam-ool-Moolk possessed them in a degree 
passing belief. But it must not be overlooked that 
Nizam-ool-Moolk lived at a time and in a country where 
men gloried in excelling in these qualities, and that his 
only superior was his great rival, the celebrated Bajee 
Eao, of whom it is said that "as a politician in quickly 
discerning and promptly counteracting the designs of 

* According to Elphinstone, descent, were called Tooranee no- 
these great families, from their Toork bles. 

e 3 



chap. Nizam-ool-Moolk, he evinced penetration, talent, and 
•-■ — r-^ — ' vigour." * 

Mooik. °° " Taking all the actors together, from one end to the 
other of Hindoosthan during the period that Nizam-ool- 
Moolk played his part, his stature takes colossal dimen- 
sions. He had won battles east, west, north, and south. 
The Syuds, who had set up and removed emperors like 
skittles, the Viceroys of Empire, who had seen and dealt 
with him, the Mahratta chieftains, who fought and treated 
with him, respected this man both as friend and foe. 
He was doubtless ambitious, but it is difficult to say 
whether the desire to establish independent authority 
was not provoked by circumstances, for to the last he 
endeavoured to assist the effete power of Delhi. He 
was not only a great soldier but a great diplomatist, 
and if Moosulman were accustomed to perpetuate the 
memory of their heroes by posthumous ovations, India 
might have seen a hundred statues of her greatest Ma- 
hommedan hero of the eighteenth century. Nurtured 
and trained at the court of Aurungzebe, it is not strange 
that Nizam-ool-Moolk should have been both wily and 
unscrupulous ; nor yet that, like his royal master, he 
should have exercised his devotions to austerity; but, 
unlike Aurungzebe, he was an affectionate parent, and his 
attachment to his friends was both sincere and steady. 
He left a legacy to his posterity which the rebellion of 
1857 has made " the greatest Mahommedan power in 

* Grant Duff's Mahrattas, i. 570, 








Ghazee-ood-Deen, the eldest son of Nizam-ool-Moolk, chap. 


and otherwise Ghazee-ood-Deen the Second, being at 
Delhi, where he held, as his father's substitute, the office 
of Umeer-ool-Oomrah at the time of his father's death, 
Naseer Jung, the second son, assumed the government 
of Hyderabad. Naseer Jung's pretensions were, however, 
opposed by his nephew, Moozuffir Jung, a favourite 
grandson of Nizarn-ool-Moolk, who then held the Soo- 
behdaree of Beejapoor, and in support of his claims 
formed a coalition with Chunda Sahib and the French 
government of Pondicherry. To remove this competitor, 
Naseer Jung proceeded direct to the Carnatic, where he 
was joined by the Jagheerdar of Gootee, the Eaja of 
Mysore, the Nuwabs of Kurpa, Kurnool, and Savanoor, as 
well as by a small body of English troops under Major, 
afterwards the celebrated Major-General Stringer Law- 
rence, the father of the Madras army, and the early 
friend of the great Lord Olive. On the near approach 
of the two armies, and on the eve of the battle which 
was to decide the fate of the two rivals, Moozuffir Jung 
was suddenly deserted by his French allies, who returned 

E 4 



chap, with Chunda Sahib to Pondicherry. Moozuffir Jung, 
_ IV ' despairing of success, dehvered himself up to his uncle, 
Jung er Naseer Jung, who had him immediately put in irons. 

The English Contingent were withdrawn after a short 
time, in consequence of Naseer Jung having failed to 
fulfil the terms on which their services were granted to 

Soon, however, this expedition ended still more disas- 
trously for the Nizam ; for although the French had vir- 
tually withdrawn from any contest, his fall was mainly 
wrought by the intrigues of M. Dupleix. Dupleix gained 
a Brahmin, by name Eamdass, in the confidence of Naseer 
Jung, and through him raised seditions in the army, 
which Dupleix called into operation by an attack on the 
camp by a detachment commanded by M. de la Touche 
prepared for the nonce. Naseer Jung was treacherously 
shot on the 5th December, 1750, by Mahommed Khan, 
the Patan Nuwab of Kurpa, one of the conspirators. 
Grant Duff thus sums his character : — " Naseer Jung was 
totally destitute of his father's prudence, and if successful 
in his fortunes would probably have sunk into a Mahom- 
medan sensualist. He was in some respects a superior 
person ; and, with a better education in a European 
country, he had many of the qualities to form the gal- 
lant knight and accomplished gentleman. He possessed 
bravery and generosity, a taste for poetry and lite- 
rature, and, as he came to an untimely end, his memory 
is cherished by the Deccan Moguls, to whom he is known 
partly by his own writings, but principally from the 
works of his friend, Meer Goolam Alee of Belgram." 
Moozuffir Moozuffir Jung was released from seven months' im- 
Jung ' pnsonment to assume the viceroyalty of the Deccan, 
chiefly through the intervention of the French, for which 



assistance, besides money and jewels that he lavishly chap. 
distributed among them, he bestowed on their agent the « — 
title of Hyder Jung ; made M. Dupleix, a munsubdar of ju° n g Uffir 
7000 horse, with rank second only to that of the Nizam ; 
and gave the French East India Company large territory 
near Pondicherry, the province of Karikal in Tanjore, as 
well as the city of Masulipatam, with its dependencies. 
After which Moozuffir Jung proceeded on a visit to his 
French allies at Pondicherry, and having received into 
his service a body of French troops under M. Bussy, set 
out on his return to the Deccan. At Pondicherry he 
had endeavoured to reward the Patan Nuwabs, according 
to the means at his disposal ; but those leaders, dissatisfied 
at not receiving all they had expected by the death of 
Naseer Jung, conspired on the way against Moozuffir 
Jung, who, although victorious, fell in action in the end 
of January 1751. The story told is that on the march 
back to the Deccan, these Nuwabs seized a narrow pass 
in the vicinity of Luckreedpilly, from which it was 
found necessary to dislodge them before the army could 
move on. Moozuffir Jung led the attack in person, 
without the aid of his French allies, who were somewhat 
slow in their movements, and in the hour of success he 
was felled by a javelin launched by the Nuwab of 
Kurnool, in a desperate personal encounter with that 

So fell a brave and gallant youth, with noble promise 
of making a great and good monarch. When the down 
had scarcely crossed his face, he had rescued the very 
uncle who had imprisoned him from death in the contest 
against Nizam-ool-Moolk. He had been the petted child 
of that old man's favourite daughter, and courtiers, as 
they are wont, had pleased both grandsire and grandson 


chap, by the hope that the latter would worthily fill the throne 
w — ^ — ' of the former. The compliment repeated was soon as- 
Jung. sumed to be an expressed wish, and hence the opposition 
to his uncle ; he had now won that throne, and died 
proudly asserting his dignity against recreant nobles. 
Salabut Moozuffir Jung's only son, then in camp, being a minor 
Juug ' and incapable of supplying his father's place, M. Bussy 
prevailed upon the leaders of the army to raise Salabut 
Jung, the third son of the late Nizam-ool-Moolk, who was 
then in camp, to the vacant command. In gratitude for 
this favour, Salabut Jung confirmed to the French the 
concessions made by his predecessor, and treated their 
commander with every mark of esteem and distinction. 
Ghazee- Whilst these events of succession to the musnud of Hy- 
the'se^ond derabad were so rapidly occurring, the distance that 
poisoned. Ghazee-ood-Deen, Nizam-ool-Moolk's eldest son, happened 
to be in no way affected his claim to it or his intention to 
occupy it at no remote period. But imperial interests 
required him to remain at Delhi just about the time of the 
receipt of the intelligence of his father's death, and it is 
thought probable that bribes may have been employed 
by his brothers to insure his being kept there. At Delhi 
he certainly remained until the year 1752, when he was 
permitted to proceed, accompanied by Mahratta allies 
who had been in treaty with him, to the Deccan. There 
was for a short season a show of opposition on the part of 
Salabut Jung's party to the rule of Ghazee-ood-Deen, and 
there was an effort to get up a campaign, but the Peishwa 
was on the side of Ghazee-ood-Deen, and with all his dis- 
sembling it was notorious that the Prime Minister, Syud 
Lushkur Khan, only feigned his real wishes in going over 
to the camp of Ghazee-ood-Deen. The rains, at all events, 
subsided in the midst of these preparations for an imagi- 



nary war, when Salabut Jung opened negotiations with his chap. 

brother, and during these negotiations the Peishwa ob- . r _ 

tained large cessions of territory west of Berar, from the j^ g . 
Taptee to the Godavery, from Ghazee-ood-Deen. " There 
seemed to be," to adopt the language of Grant Duff, " a 
prospect of settling the claims of all parties, when Ghazee- 
ood-Deen in an evil hour accepted an invitation to an 
entertainment provided in the city, partook of a poisoned 
dish prepared by the hands of the mother of Nizam Alee, 
and expired the same night." That 12th of September, 
1752, closed the title of another aspirant, and gave some 
repose to Salabut Jung : the history of his nephew, the 
son of Ghazee-ood-Deen, belongs entirely to Delhi. 

To return to Salabut Jung's own history. In a few 
years M. Bussy had improved his position at Hyderabad 
with so much ability that he ruled in a great measure the 
counsels of the Nisam, who with his aid was enabled to 
maintain himself in power amidst the intrigues into which 
he was assailed by the members of his family. His mili- 
tary force was also greatly strengthened by the introduc- 
tion of a large body of troops under French officers, for 
the payment and equipment of which he assigned over to 
M. Bussy several districts in the Northern Circars. 

The rapid rise of the French to power in the Deccan, 
and the possession of the Northern Circars, which gave 
them the command of such an extent of sea-coast, early 
excited the jealousy of the British Government, and made 
them anxious to avail themselves of the first pretext which 
offered for taking possession of those districts themselves. 
England and France were, however, at that time at peace, 
and it was not till 1756, when hostilities broke out be- 
tween the two nations in Europe, that an opportunity was 
afforded to them of carrying their wishes into effect. 



chap. A force was accordingly equipped in Bengal and des- 
- — ^ — - patched to the Northern Circars in 1757, under Colonel 
iing U Forde. After ejecting the French from the districts, and 
storming with considerable loss the fort of Masulipatam, 
Colonel Forde was preparing to push the war against 
Salabut Jung, who had advanced from Hyderabad to raise 
the siege of that place. 

Deprived about this time of his French auxiliaries, 
Salabut Jung, on his near approach, did not consider him- 
self equal to the task of coping with the English ; appre- 
hensive at the same time of his brother's intrigues while 
he was absent from the capital, he hastened to bring the 
war to a close by concluding a treaty with the commander 
of the English force, by which he ceded to the Company 
the fort of Masulipatam with a considerable tract of 
country around it, and bound himself not to permit in 
future any French settlement to exist within his do- 

In 1760 Salabut Jung received intimation of the success 
of an intrigue for the surrender of Ahmednuggur, which 
was betrayed into the hands of a Brahmin agent of the 
Mahratta Government by Kuwee Jung, the Mogul Killeedar, 
for a sum of money. A war with Hyderabad immediately 
ensued. Salabut Jung and Nizam Alee were ill prepared 
for this event ; their army was in arrears and mutinous, 
an insurrection caused by the Deshmookh of Neermul had 
just been quelled, and the resources of the country 
during the late factious intrigues had been neglected or 
wasted. But the disgrace of relinquishing without a 
struggle the ancient capital of the Nizam Shahee kings — 
which Ahmednuggur happened to be — the reduction of 
which a century and a half before had cost so much 
Mogul blood, prevailed over the sober dictates of pru- 



dence, and the main army, without preparation or equip- chap. 
ment, but with a vast quantity of baggage and cumber- . — ?^L_ 
some artillery, moved towards Beder, and from thence to j^g. ut 
Dharoor. Salabut Jung and Nisam Alee, attended by a 
small force of seven or eight thousand men, were moving 
towards Oodgeer. 

The Peishwa in person proceeded to Ahmednuggur 
with a large army intended as a reserve, whilst Sewdasheo 
Eao moved in an easterly direction, took the fort of Buha- 
durgoorh on the Beema, and was on the borders of the 
Mogul territory when he received intelligence of the 
enemy's motions and position as already described. He 
immediately detached a force in advance, when Salabut 
Jung and Nizam Alee, instead of quitting the artillery 
which accompanied them and pushing forward to their 
main body, took post at Oodgeer, and began to waste 
their ammunition in skirmishing with the Mahratta light 
troops. This injudicious conduct afforded Sewdasheo 
Eao leisure to bring up 40,000 horse, whilst the regular 
corps of infantry, 5000 strong, with a light artillery, under 
Ibrahim Khan Gurdee, was advancing to reinforce him. 

The brothers saw their error when it was too late ; but 
they moved from Oodgeer in hopes of being able to join 
their main body, or that troops from Dharoor would be 
sent to their support. In both these expectations they 
were disappointed. The troops at Dharoor, either entirely 
occupied in watching the motions of the Peishwa, or not 
apprised of their situation, made no effort to relieve them. 
The Mogul guns made little impression on the open, strag- 
gling horse of the Mahrattas ; but the constant skirmishing 
impeded the march, and in a few days Ibrahim Khan 
Gurdee, with his infantry and guns, arrived. His artillery, 
which was served after the European manner, made great 



chap, havoc on the crowded bodies of Mogul cavalry, and those 

iv ~ 
^ < who ventured to extend their order were immediately 

l ^ nt charged by the Mahrattas, whilst their grain and forage 
were effectually cut off. Nizam Alee attempted to nego- 
tiate, but Sewdasheo Eao desired him to surrender — a dis- 
grace to which neither of the brothers would submit. 
A desperate charge was made on Ibrahim Khan's corps, 
which was completely broken, eleven of his standards 
taken, and many of his men killed. But this success was 
of short duration ; a body of Mahrattas attacked the right 
, wing under Shonkut Jung, and cut nearly 3000 Moguls 
to pieces. 

Nizam Alee renewed his negotiations, and sent his seal 
of state as Minister to Sewdasheo Eao, signifying that he 
left it to his generosity to make the terms. A treaty was 
accordingly concluded, by which the forts of Dowlutabad, 
Sewneree, Asseerghur, and Beejapoor were given up to the 
Mahrattas ; the possession of Ahmednuggur was confirmed, 
and districts yielded which included the province of Beeja- 
poor and a part of Beder, together with the province of 
Aurmngabad, excepting the city and two of its pergunnas, 
Hursole and Sittara. The annual revenue of these cessions 
exceeded sixty-two lakhs of rupees : Sewdasheo Eao ob- 
tained them in four separate deeds : — 

RS. A. P. 

1. In his own name - 197,499 5 

2. In the name of the Peishwa's 

second son - 2,044,115 14 1 

3. That of the third son - - 3,502,247 14 

4. Not known to whom the deed 

was issued - - - 492,294 8 2 

Total 6,236,157 9 3 



The Mogul possessions in Deccan were now confined to chap. 
an insulated space, which seemingly was soon to be wholly < — 
overwhelmed by the increasing power of the Mahrattas. jung Ut 
Moreover, Nizam Alee, the nominal Dewan, soon usurped 
the entire powers of the government, and, hearing of the 
death of the Peishwa so soon after the battle of Panniput, 
in which the flower of the Mahratta army was destroyed, 
and deeming the opportunity favourable for recovering 
the lost districts from the Mahrattas, he began, under 
various pretences, to concentrate a large army in the 
neighbourhood of Aurungabad. No period, indeed, for 
the last forty years had been more favourable for the re- 
storation of the Mogul authority in the Deccan. The loss 
of the battle of Panniput was imputed by the Mahratta 
Sillidars solely to the misconduct of the Brahmins. Those 
of the Desh, or country above the Ghauts, acknowledged 
the fact, but declared that it was to be ascribed entirely 
to the mismanagement of their brethren of the Concan. 
The violent party feelings which arise under every govern- 
ment on occasions of reverses, were heightened in the loose 
confederacy of the Mahratta nation by the prejudices of 
ignorance and of caste. Under such circumstances, where 
so very few could distinguish between misfortune and mis- 
rule, dissension was a natural consequence. Nizam Alee 
was not sufficiently apprised of these dissensions to reap 
advantage from them ; but even if he had possessed the 
requisite information, one of his first acts — the destruc- 
tion of the Hindoo temples at Toka, a village upon the 
Godavery — would have prevented his being joined by 
any party. It was, nevertheless, celebrated by the Mahom- 
medan soldiery as a triumph, and Nizam Alee was pushing 
on towards Poona, when Eamchunder Jadow and most of 
the Mahrattas in the Mogul service, disgusted by the in- 



chap, suit offered to their religion, deserted to the Peishwa, 

: ^ — ' and carried with them Meer Mogul, the youngest son of 

Jang. Nizam-ool-Moolk. 

The Moguls, although they continued to advance, were 
opposed with increasing spirit ; and after they were within 
fourteen miles of Poona, Nizam Alee was induced to listen 
to overtures, and relaxed in an original demand for the 
restoration of the whole territory conquered by Ballajee 
Eao. An accommodation took place, by which cessions 
to the amount of twenty-seven lakhs of rupees, of annual 
revenue from Aurungabad and Beder, were relinquished 
by Eagonath Eao, as the price of peace. 

After the conclusion of the treaty in 1762, Mzam Alee 
returned towards Beder, where he imprisoned Salabut 
Jung in the month of July — though some English autho- 
rities have it just a year previous, viz., 18th July, 1761 ; but 
the Mahommedan account is the 14th of Zeehije, a.h. 1175 
— and about fifteen months after secured his usurpation 
by the murder of a brother whose natural imbecility would 
have prevented his ever becoming a formidable rival, 
whilst unsupported by a foreign power. 











In little more than ten years' time, both of the two chap. 

sons of Nizam-ool-Moolk, who had held the rule of « 

Hyderabad, had come to an untimely end, and the third ^J^ m 
son, Nizam Alee had now seized the government. Within 
those ten years the name of Nizam Alee had become 
familiar in the Deccan for bravery in the affray in which 
his nephew Moozufnr Jung was killed and he himself had 
got wounded, and as the principal in the conspiracy that 
resulted in the murder of M. Bussy's agent, Hyder Jung. 
He was known to be clever, daring, restless, and ambi- 
tious. He had conducted the affairs of the State while 
VOL. I. F 



chap. Salabut Jung was nominally sovereign ; he was now ruler 

. de jure as lie had formerly been de facto. 

izam The first thought of Nizam Alee's administration was 

lee. & 

to punish the Mahrattas for their harassmg raids in dif- 
ferent parts of his country, and failing to seize any of 
their detachments, he marched in 1763 direct upon 
Poona, which he determined to plunder, while his foe, 
Eagonath Eao, for the sake of retaliation, proceeded 
straight towards Hyderabad. As soon as it was known 
at Poona that the Mogul army was approaching, most of 
the people removed as much of their property as they 
could carry away, and fled to the hill forts or into the 
Concan. The Peishwa's family and state papers were 
sent off towards Singurh, but some of the property be- 
longing to the fugitives was taken, and the village be- 
low Singurh set on fire. In this way it is said many 
manuscripts illustrative of Mahratta history were totally 

Nizam Alee encamped at a short distance from the city 
of Poona, and allowed his army to plunder it ; after which 
all houses not ransomed were torn down or burned. He 
next proceeded towards Poorundhur, and from thence 
ravaged the country as far east as the Beema ; but the 
violence of the rains was such as to induce him to adopt 
the resolution of cantoning his army until the opening of 
the season. For this purpose he intended to have gone 
to Beder, but was persuaded by one of his Mahratta 
chieftains to alter the destination to Aurungabad. 

In the meantime, Eagonath Eao had returned to watch 
Nizam Alee's motions. The wall which surrounds the 
city of Hyderabad had prevented Eagonath from making 
any impression on the Mogul capital, but he exacted a 
contribution of one lakh and eighty thousand rupees 



(18,000/.) from the suburbs. He had opened a secret chap. 
negotiation with the Mahratta chiefs in the army of Nizam » — A — 
Alee, and found Janojee Bhonslay, the only one whose de- ^ m 
fection would occasion serious alarm, willing to listen to 
an accommodation. Janojee's ambitious hopes, formed 
on joining the Moguls, had been damped from a suspicion 
of the duplicity of Nizam Alee's dewan, Eaja Purtab Wunt. 
Upon the assurance, therefore, of receiving territory 
yielding a revenue of thirty- two lakhs of rupees, being a 
portion of that which was promised to Nizarn Alee as the 
price of his assistance to Eagonath Eao, Janojee agreed 
to withdraw his support. He soon found the opportunity 
upon Nizam Alee crossing the Godavery, leaving his 
Minister on the other bank, when a conflict ensued in 
which the Minister lost his life, and of which particulars 
are given elsewhere. 

Nizam Alee at first endeavoured to aid his dewan by a 
cannonade from the opposite side of the river, but without 
effect. He thus became a spectator of the destruction of 
his troops without the possibility of succouring them, and 
was afterwards obliged to retire within the walls of Au- 
rungabad, lest the Mahrattas should be able to ford the 
river. This object they accomplished in a few days and 
arrived at the city, which they again attacked without 
success, and a number of them were killed. Immediately 
afterwards Nizam Alee visited Eagonath Eao, and with 
that apparent contrition which he could so well affect, 
laid all his errors to the fault of his late dewan, and so 
worked on the weakness and good nature of Eagoba that 
he not only forgave all that had happened, but, in consi- 
deration of the aid with which he had been furnished in 
his distress, he wished to bestow upon Nizam Alee such 
part of the cession of fifty-one lakhs, made by the treaty 

F 2 


chap, at Pairgaom, as remained at his disposal after deducting 

^ . the assignment of thirty- two lakhs promised to Janojee. 

Nizam Eagoba's ministers, however, dissuaded him from follow- 
ing his inclination to its full extent, and he was induced 
to confine the gift to ten lakhs, so that nine lakhs of the 
original cession was saved, and a new treaty was concluded 
with Mzam Alee in October 1763. 

Whilst the Mahrattas had to maintain these struggles 
in the Deccan, a new power was rising on the ruins of the 
Hindoo dynasty of Mysore, under the celebrated adven- 
turer Hyder Alee Khan, which to the southward pro- 
mised to confine the Mahrattas to their native boundary. 
Bazalut Jung, of whom mention has already been made, 
still hopeful of forming an independent kingdom in the 
Carnatic, took advantage of the Mahrattas' difficulties to 
plan the conquest of their southern districts, and with this 
view obtained the alliance of Hyder, whom he appointed 
Nuwab of Sera precisely in the same way as the Mahratta 
Eaja Shao used to confer unconquered territories, "the 
right to which could only be inferred from the act of 
granting."* Bazalut Jung and his new ally had reduced 
Ouscotta, Sera, and Bura-Balapoor by the end of 1761, and 
Bazalut Jung soon after being apprehensive of an attack 
from his brother, Nizam Alee, returned to his capital at 
Adonee, but Hyder prosecuted his conquests. I mention 
this particular as incidental to my narrative, inasmuch as 
two years afterwards Nizam Alee made a successful cam- 
paign south of the Krishna, and reduced his brother, 
Bazalut Jung, to submission and obedience. 

The Beishwa finding it in his policy to stand well with 
Nizam Alee, and that the latter would readily enter on an 

* Wilts 1 Mysore. 



offensive alliance against his quondam and treacherous chap. 

ally, Janojee Bhonslay, a secret compact was entered into 

about the beginning of the year 1765, the particulars of ^j^ m 
which, if ever committed to writing, have not been disco- 
vered, but the objects of it became tolerably obvious from 
a variety of facts. The united armies of the Peishwa and 
Nizam Alee invaded Berar, compelled Janojee Bhonslay 
to sue for peace and to restore three-fourths of the dis- 
tricts (in money equivalent to 2,450,269 rupees 10 annas 
and 1 pie) he had gained by his double treachery dur- 
ing the former war, — a politic moderation which, though 
it left Janojee something to lose, still made it appear that 
the Moguls rather than the Mahrattas were the gainers. 
Of the districts which were thus restored on the 4th 
February, 1766, nearly two-thirds — or a tract of territory 
equivalent to fifteen lakhs of rupees of annual revenue — 
was given up to the Nizam on the 16th of the same month, 
and stated in the accounts of the Poona Government as 
ceded " for the firm establishment of peace and friend- 
ship." It is more than probable the agreement pointed to 
conjoint operations in the Carnatic. 

Some time in 1765 Nizam Alee Khan invaded the 
Carnatic, at the head of a large force, laying waste the 
country with unparalleled ferocity, but was obliged to fall 
back upon his territories before a British division, com- 
manded by Colonel Campbell. At the same time an 
expedition, under General Calhaud, took possession of 
the Northern Circars, to the sovereignty of which the 
British Government laid claim, in virtue of a firman which 
it had obtained from the Emperor of Delhi. The loss of 
such an important portion of his dominion was not to be 
relinquished without a struggle, and every exertion ap- 
pears to have been made by the Nizam for its defence and 

F 3 


chap, a renewed attack on the Carnatie. Alarmed at these pre- 
- — r — • parations, the presidency of Fort St. George deputed 
izam General Calliaud to Hyderabad with full power to ne- 
gotiate for peace. On the 12th November, 1766, a 
treaty was concluded by that officer, by which the East 
India Company agreed to pay the Nizam an annual 
tribute of five lakhs of rupees for the Circars of Bajah- 
mundry, Ellore or Yalore, and Moostaph nagger ; and for 
those of Chicacole and Murtezanugger two lakhs each, as 
soon as definitely placed in their hands. As the latter 
district, commonly called Guntoor, had been assigned by 
the Nizam as a personal jagheer to his brother, Bazalut 
Jung, it was agreed that it should be held by that prince 
during his lifetime, or as long as the Nizam was satisfied 
with his conduct. On Bazalut Jung's interest expiring, 
the Company were to be placed in possession of the dis- 
trict. A further stipulation of the treaty was that the 
two powers should mutually assist each other with troops 
when required to do so. 

Under this treaty, a British force of two battalions of 
infantry and six pieces of cannon joined the army of 
Nizam Alee, and were employed by him to reduce the 
fort of Bangalore, and to collect tribute from the refrac- 
tory Poleegars of the Carnatie. This corps was soon after 
obliged to be withdrawn for the defence of its own terri- 
tories, as the Nizam had in the interim receded from his 
connection with the British ; and, in conjunction with 
Hyder Naik (as he was then called, and Hyder Alee not 
long after), had in August 1767 commenced hostilities 
against his late allies. The subsequent successes of the 
„ East India Company's troops soon reduced the Nizam to 
the necessity of separating from Hyder and sueing for 
peace. On the 23rd February, 1768, a treaty was con- 1 



eluded at Madras, by which the Nizam, after revoking all chap. 
sunnuds and distinctions which had ever been conferred . _ v - 
by Hyder, either by himself or any of his family, bound Njz*m 
himself to aid the Company to gain possession of the Car- 
natic Balla Ghaut, on condition of their paying him an 
animal tribute of seven lakhs of rupees. The Northern 
Circars were by an article of this treaty confirmed to the 
East India Company, who, on their part, were to pay 
to the Nizam the sum of two lakhs of rupees per an- 
num for a period of six years, commencing from the 1st 
January, 17G8. On the cession of the Circar of Guntoor 
this sum was to be increased to four lakhs per annum. If 
on the expiration of the period above fixed the East India 
Company had not been ^.olested in the possession of these 
districts, they agreed to pay for the whole an annual 
peshcush of seven lakhs of rupees. 

For several years subsequent to the conclusion of this 
treaty no events of importance occurred at Hyderabad, 
nor do any changes of moment appear to have taken 
place in the political relations of the British with that 
court. In 1774 the Government of Fort St. George 
ascertained that Bazalut Jung was collecting a body of 
French troops in the Guntoor district, and reported the 
circumstance to the Supreme Government. In reply, they 
were directed to call upon that prince for the immediate 
dismissal of those troops, and in the event of this demand 
not being complied with, they were authorised to march 
a body of troops to the frontier, and to threaten that 
" they would take possession of his country and negotiate 
with the Nizam, even by an entire renunciation of its 
revenues, for its cession to the East India Company." On 
the receipt of these instructions, application was made to 

F 4 


chap, the Nizam for his assistance to compel his brother either 
— ^ — . first to dismiss the French from his service, and to trust to 
izam English the defence of Guntoor, which was their own 

property ; or, secondly, to let that Circar to them on a rent 
to be determined by amicable arbitration. The Nizam, 
in reply, stated that as it was his determination to abide 
strictly by the Treaty of 1768, he had deputed a person 
of distinction to his brother to induce him to dismiss the 
French from his service. No attention, however, seems 
to have been paid by Bazalut Jung either to the advice of 
the Nizam or the threats of the English, as the French 
troops were retained in his service till the beginning of 
1779, when, alarmed at the hosti]e designs of Hyder, and 
anxious to secure the assistance of the English in the 
event of his being attacked by that chief, he agreed to 
rent the district of Guntoor to the British, who were to 
maintain a force adequate to its defence. 

On the conclusion of this agreement with Bazalut Jung, 
the presidency of Fort St. George deputed Mr. Hollond 
as their agent to Hyderabad, which he reached in April 
1779. On his communicating to the Nizam the nature of 
the engagement which his Government had entered into 
with Bazalut Jung, his Highness replied that, in treating 
with his brother, who was his subject, the English had 
violated the Treaty of 1768 ; that, if it were their wish to 
abide by that treaty, they should withdraw their troops 
from the district, but that if this request were not com- 
plied with, he would be under the necessity of expelling 
them by force. The irritation of the Nizam was still 
further increased by a proposition made, through the 
Eesident, for the remission of the peshcush payable by 
the Company for the Northern Circars ; this proposal, lie 
observed, convinced him that the Company meant no 


longer to abide by the terms of the treaty, — for which chap. 
reason he must prepare for war. - — ^ — 

The proceedings of the Madras Government, in nego- ^ m 
tiating direct with Bazalut Jung without the interposition 
of his immediate sovereign, and in withholding the pay- 
ment as well as proposing the abolition of the peshcush, 
were severely condemned by the Supreme Government. 
To remove any misunderstanding which these transac- 
tions might have given rise to in the mind of the Nizam, 
a letter was addressed to that prince by the Supreme 
Government, assuring him of their pacific intentions, and 
regretting that the unauthorised conduct of the Madras Go- 
vernment should have given his Highness cause to doubt 
the sincerity of their friendship towards him. An order was 
at the same time despatched to Madras directing the im- 
mediate restitution of the Circars, which appears to have 
been carried into effect about the end of the year 1780. In 
November 1782 Bazalut Jung died, and the Circar which 
on that event ought to have lapsed to the East India Com- 
pany was taken possession of by the Nizam's officers, but 
was eventually delivered to the Company in 1788. In 
the settlement, however, of the arrears of peshcush due 
by the Company, and the amount claimed by them on 
account of the revenues collected by the Nizam's officers 
from the Circar of Guntoor subsequent to the death of 
Bazalut Jung, no arrangement could be effected at Hy- 
derabad, and the subject of dispute was, by mutual con- 
sent, referred to the decision of the Governor-General. 
On this occasion Meer Abdool Cassim, subsequently better 
known by his title of Meer Allum, was sent on the part of 
the Nizam to Calcutta. After a few conferences with the 
Governor-General, the balance payable by the East India 
Company, deducting the revenue collected from the Circar 



chap, of Guntoor subsequent to the death of Bazalut Jung, was 
— — r — - finally fixed at 916,665 rupees, 11 annas, 
izam Independent of bringing to an amicable issue the 

pecuniary disputes which had been so long pending 
between the two states, Meer Allum obtained from the 
Governor-General an engagement explanatory of part of 
the Treaty of 1768. In this document, which was con- 
veyed to the Nizam in the form of a letter, the Governor- 
General, after stating the orders of his superiors which 
prevented him from forming any new alliances with the 
native powers, proceeds to explain the sixth article of 
the treaty, which he states shall in future be agreed to 
mean " that the force stipulated for in this article shall 
be furnished whenever the Nizam shall apply for it, 
provided it is not employed against certain powers in 
alliance with the (East India) Company," &c, &c. By 
this engagement the right held by the Company of with- 
holding or withdrawing the subsidiary force was abro- 
gated, and the right of the Mzam to keep and employ 
that force in any way he pleased, so long as it was not 
employed against certain states specified in the treaty, 
was fully recognised and established. 

On the conclusion of the tripartite treaty, in 1790, a 
subsidiary force of two battalions of infantry with three 
guns took the field, in company with a strong detachment 
of the Nizam's army. In October 1791, the Nizam's 
second son, Secunder Jah, accompanied by the Prime 
Minister, Azeem-ool-Oomrah, were despatched with a 
large reinforcement from Hyderabad to the siege of 
Seringapatam, where if its services were of little use in 
a military point of view, the arrangements made by 
Azeem-ool-Oomrah with the Bunjaras for the supply of 
forage during his advance, contributed essentially to facili- 

nizam's defeat at kurdlah. 

tate the operations of the British army. On the termina- 
tion of the war, one third of the territories ceded by 
Tippoo Sooltan to the allies, yielding an annual revenue 
of 1,316,000 pagodas, was made over to the Nizam as his 
share of the conquest. 

In the beginning of 1795, the Nizam proceeded to 
Beder, and from thence to Kurdlah, in the vicinity of 
which he encountered the Mahratta troops under Dow- 
lut Eao Scindia. The contest which ensued was of short 
duration, as a sudden panic appears to have seized the 
Mogul army, which retreated in great confusion to the 
fort of Kurdlah, in which the Nizam took refuge with his 

The Mahrattas immediately invested the place, and 
after a strict blockade of some weeks, compelled their 
opponent to sue for mercy, and to conclude a treaty, 
the terms of which they themselves dictated. By this 
deed the Nizam agreed to relinquish to the Mahrattas 
territory, including the fort of Dowlutabad, yielding 
thirty-five lakhs of rupees per annum, to pay three crores 
of rupees, and to give as a hostage, for the fulfilment of 
li is promises, his Prime Minister, Azeem-ool-Oomrah. The 
Mahrattas then returned to their own provinces, and 
allowed the Nizam to return to his capital. 

When proceeding on this unfortunate expedition, the 
Nizam had earnestly requested the Eesident that the 
two battalions then forming the Hyderabad subsidiary 
force should be allowed to accompany him to the field. 
As this request could not be complied with, the services 
of the force were restricted during the war to the main- 
tenance of tranquilhty in the capital. On his return to 
Hyderabad, the Nizam intimated to the Eesident that as 
he found lie was restricted from employing the British 


chap, troops against the only enemies he had to fear, it was 
— r — ' his wish that it should be withdrawn, and thus relieve 
izam t ] ie g ta ^ e fpom the heavy and unnecessary expence in- 
curred for its support. 

To supply its place, and to form a body ' of troops 
which might enable him, with some probability of 
success, to risk another conflict with the Mahrattas, he 
turned his views towards organising a regular army from 
the battalions which still existed in his service, under 
the command of French officers. Fresh levies were 
ordered to be made, districts were assigned for their pay 
and equipment, and every means taken to give strength 
and efficiency to a corps whose leaders openly avowed 
the utmost hostility towards the English nation. 

These measures, together with the despatch of a large 
portion of the newly raised French corps towards the 
frontier of the English territories, appears to have excited 
doubts in the mind of the Governor-General as to the 
ultimate intentions of the Nizam. The Eesident was 
accordingly directed to call upon the Durbar to withdraw 
the corps under M. Eaymond from the threatening posi- 
tion which it occupied, and, in the event of this demand 
not being complied with, to intimate that it was the 
intention of the Governor-General also to advance a 
body of troops to the English frontier. 

Affairs were in this state when the Nizam's eldest son, 
Alee Jah, quitted the capital, and placed himself in open 
rebellion against his father's authority. Alarmed for his 
personal safety, the Nizam earnestly solicited the imme- 
diate recall of the subsidiary force, and in compliance 
with the wishes of the Governor-General, directed the 
prompt withdrawal of M. Raymond's corps from the 
advanced position it occupied in the district of Kumiiiun. 



The subsidiary force was in consequence directed to chap. 

retrace its steps with all expedition to Hyderabad, which . ; — 

it reached in August 1795, too late to take any active ^ m 
part in quelling the rebellion of Alee Jah, which had 
already been put down by the exertions of M. Eaymond. 

The return of Azeem-ool-Oomrah to Hyderabad in 
1797 restored to the British the influence which, during 
his absence at Poona, they had lost at that court. It had 
long been the earnest wish of this Minister to prevail on 
the English Government to enter into an offensive and 
defensive alliance with the Nizam, which, by interposing 
that government as a shield over the State of Hyderabad, 
might protect it from the encroachments of the Mah- 
rattas* with whom, experience had shown, they were, when 
unsupported, unable to compete. Overtures to this effect 
had been made by the Minister, both before and after the 
convention of Kurdlah ; but as a compliance with them, as 
already remarked, was supposed to interfere with the 
engagements existing with the Mahrattas, they had in 
consequence been rejected. The reasons which actuated 
his predecessor in declining these proposals of Azeem-ool- 
Oomrah on this subject do not appear to have had equal 
weight with the Marquis of Wellesley, as shortly after 
the arrival of that nobleman in India, the Eesident was 
directed to open a negotiation for a new treaty with the 
Mzam on the basis of the protection of the British 
Government being afforded to that prince, provided he in 
return dismissed the French officers from his service, and 
consented to receive an increase to the subsidiary force. 
The Governor-General's overtures were eagerly accepted, 
and a treaty concluded on the 1st September, 1798, by 
which it was stipulated that the subsidiary force should 
be made permanent and increased to six battalions of 






infantry with a proportion of artillery, on an annual 
charge to the Nizam of rupees 24,17,000. , The French 
corps in the service of the Nizam were immediately to be 
disbanded, and their officers made over to the English, 
not as prisoners of war, but to be restored to their own 
country without waiting for exchange or cartel. The 
English Government, on its part, undertook to arbitrate in 
the disputes then pending between the Nizam and the 
Mahrattas; in the event of the latter declining such 
arbitration, it bound itself to protect the Mzam from any 
unjust or unreasonable demands which might be brought 
forward against him. However gratified Azeem-ool- 
Oomrah might have felt in gaining by this treaty the 
object he had so long and so eagerly sought for, still, 
when called on to effect the dismissal of the Erench, he 
appears to have been alarmed at the magnitude of the 
undertaking. He evaded, as long as possible, a com- 
pliance with the demand, and tried by every artifice and 
evasion in his power to avoid a coalition with a body 
alike formidable from its numerical strength and the 
influence which its supporters exercised over the weak 
and vacillating mind of the Nizam. On the 9th of 
October the four battalions, which were to be added to 
the subsidiary force, arrived in the vicinity of Hydera- 
bad, and a formal demand was made by the Eesident for 
the execution of that part of the treaty which referred 
to the dismissal of the French. For several days after 
the receipt of this requisition, no steps were taken by the 
Nizam to fulfil his promise, intrigues were set on foot in 
favour of the Erench, and everything indicated the 
intention of the Nizam to swerve from his engagements. 
In this emergency a communication was addressed to him 
by the Eesident, informing him that if he hesitated any 



longer in executing the wishes of the British Government, char 
he, the Eesident, would take upon himself to order an > — ^ — 
attack to be make upon the French lines by the sub- ^ m 
sidiary force. This spirited remonstrance, accompanied 
as it was by a movement on the part of the British 
troops, had the desired effect of bringing the Nizam to a 
sense of the position in which he was placed. An order 
was immediately issued, dismissing the French officers 
from the service and releasing the troops from their 
control. The mutiny which broke out in the French 
lines, on the promulgation of this order, afforded a good 
opportunity of disarming and disorganising the whole 
body at once, which would otherwise have been a work 
of time and some difficulty. Two detachments under 
Colonel Eoberts and Hyndruen were moved into posi- 
tions in front and rear of the French cantonments, and 
so alarmed the mutineers that they immediately released 
their officers whom they had placed in confinement, and 
on the terms of surrender being explained to them, 
moved out in a body leaving their cannon and arms 
behind in their lines, which were taken possession of 
by the British troops. This matter is circumstantially 
detailed in another chapter. 

In 1799, when the war broke out with Tippoo Sooltan 
of Mysore, the alliance with the Nizam proved of great 
advantage to the British Government in a military point 
of view ; as the whole British detachment serving at 
Hyderabad, amounting to 6500 men, were placed at the 
disposal of the Governor-General, and being joined with 
an equal number of the Nizam's infantry, together with a 
large body of irregular horse, formed a junction with 
General Harris's army at Nellore, and subsequently 
assisted in the siege and capture of Seringapatam. 


chap. On the death of Tippoo, a partition treaty was con- 
^ — ' eluded between the English, the Mzam and the Eaja of 

izam Mysore, by which the districts of Ghootee, Goorun 
Koouda, &c, were made over to the Nizam, and to these, 
at a subsequent period, were added two-thirds of that 
portion of the territories of the late Sultan which had 
been offered to, but rejected by, the Peishwa. 

In the course of the following year, Lord Wellesley 
was induced to negotiate with the Mzam a new sub- 
sidiary treaty, bearing date the 12th October, 1800 ; 
the considerations which led him to adopt this step are 
described by a late historian in the following words : — 

" The jealous and almost hostile spirit with which the 
Mahrattas regarded our operations against Tippoo, and 
the conflicts with which the southern part of the 
Peninsula was threatened from the weak and distracted 
condition of the Peishwa's government, pointed out the 
urgent necessity of adding by every practicable means to 
the efficiency of the alliance with the Mzam, as that 
became the chief means of preserving the British pos- 
sessions and those of its allies in a state of peace and 

" For the attainment of this object it was necessary to 
add to the strength of the subsidiary force with the 
Mzam, and to adopt measures for securing the English 
Government against those risks to which it was probable 
this connection would be early exposed from the weak 
and fluctuating councils of that prince. 

" To effect this important point, nothing seemed so 
desirable as to commute the monthly pecuniary payment 
of subsidy for a cession of territory. The advantages of 
such an arrangement were manifold and obvious. By 
its adoption an end would be put to that recurrence of 




irritation, which must always be expected to attend 
pecuniary payments from sordid or extravagant courts. 
The resources upon which the support of a large English 
force must depend would be placed in the hands of the 
British Government, instead of being in those of another 
state, whose imprudence, distress, or treachery, might, at 
any critical moment, endanger the general safety ; and no 
future Prince of the Deccan was likely to desire the 
dissolution of the connection, when, by a cession of 
territory, he had paid in perpetuity and by advance for 
the service of the troops by which his dominions were 

" By this treaty the British Government engaged to 
permit no power nor state whatever to commit with 
impunity any act of unprovoked aggression or hostility 
upon the territories of the Nizam ; and to enable the 
(East India) Company to fulfil this engagement in an effi- 
cient manner, two battalions of native soldiers and a regi- 
ment of native cavalry were permanently added to the 
subsidiary force to be maintained by the State of Hyder- 
abad. To secure the constant and regular payment of 
this augmented force, the Nizam ceded in perpetuity to 
the Company all the territories which he had acquired 
by the Treaty of Seringapatam in 1792 and the Treaty of 
Mysore in 1799. With a view of preserving a well- 
defined boundary, some changes were made in this 
cession ; the Nizam retaining Eoopal Goojundarghur, &c, 
and giving Adonee, &c, in their lieu; being countries 
situated to the south of the river Toombuddra, which, 
by this settlement, formed the boundary between the two 

" In the event of war taking place between the contract- 
ing parties and a third state, the Nizam agreed that the 

VOL. I. G 



chap, whole of the subsidiary force, except two battalions 
which were to be kept near his person, should be em- 
ployed against the enemy; and that the force should, 
in such event, be immediately joined by 6000 infantry 
and 9000 horse of his own troops. 

" The Nizam also agreed to enter into no negotiation 
with other states without informing and consulting the 
British Government ; and the latter agreed that it would 
in no instance interfere with the Nizam's children, rela- 
tions, or subjects, with respect to whom it would always 
consider him absolute. 

" The Nizam engaged not to commit hostilities against 
any other state ; and in the event of differences arising 
between him and another power, it was stipulated that in 
the event of either the Peishwa, Eaghojee Bhouselah, or 
Dowlut Eao Scindia, desiring to be a party in this treaty, 
they should be admitted to all its advantages." 

The attention of the Governor-General was about this 
time drawn to the necessity of adjusting on a proper basis 
the commercial relations between the two states which 
had hitherto been left undefined. A treaty was accord- 
ingly concluded in 1802 with a view to improve and 
secure the commerce carried on between the dominions 
of the Nizam and those of the British. By its articles the 
growth, produce, or manufacture of one state were allowed 
to be imported into the territories of the other on the 
payment of a duty of five per cent, on the prime cost. 
The duties on British imports, it was agreed, were to be 
levied at the capital, and they were henceforward declared 
exempt from all Eudharee duties levied by the zumeen- 
dars through whose districts they might have to pass. 

On the 7th August, 1803, Nizam Alee died at Hyder- 
abad at the advanced age of seventy, during forty of 


which he had held the government of the Deccan. He chap. 


had married Zeib-oou-Nissa Begum, generally called the v> — ; — 
Burhanpoor Begum, daughter of Khajun Koolee Khan, ^ m 
a resident of Burhanpoor, of noble extraction, and an 
imperial Munsubdar. She did not bear any children. 
Nizam Alee, however, had by other ladies of his seraglio 
eight sons and thirteen daughters, who lived to grow up, 
and several others who died at an early age. 

Nizam Alee made six separate treaties with the East 
India Company : — 

1. Treaty settled by General Calliaud at Hyderabad 
on the 12th November, 1766, by which the Nizam 
ceded the Northern Circars to the Company, and 
they mutually engaged to assist each other with 

2. Treaty of Peace settled by Kokun-ood-Dowlah at 
Madras on the 23rd February, 1768, confirming the 
stipulations of the Treaty of 1766, and providing 
that the Company should supply the Nizam with two 
battalions of sepoys whenever he should require 

3. Treaty of Paungal, settled by Captain Kennaway on 
the 4th July, 1790, preparatory to Lord Cornwallis's 
war with Tippoo Sooltan. 

4. Treaty of Hyderabad, settled by Captain J. A. 
Kirkpatrick on the 1st September, 1798, prepara- 
tory to Lord Mornington's war with Tippoo, provid- 
ing for the disbanding of the French troops in the 
service of the Nizam, increasing the force subsidised 
by him from the British Government, and making it 

5. Treaty of General Offensive and Defensive Alliance, 
settled by Captain J. A. Kirkpatrick at Hyderabad, 

Q 2 


chap. on the 12th October, 1800, by which the sub- 

^_ y* ^ sidiary force was further increased and territory 
ceded by the Mzam to the British Government in 
commutation of the money subsidy. 
6. Treaty of Commerce, settled by Major J. A. Kirk- 
patrick, at Hyderabad, on the 12th April, 1802. 

Nizam Alee was also a party to the Treaty of Seringa- 
patam, concluded by Lord Cornwallis on the 18th March, 
1792 ; and to the partition Treaty of Mysore, concluded 
on the 22nd June, 1799, after the fall of Seringapatam. 

So passed an eastern monarch, evincing great promise 
in early years for usefulness from his energetic character, 
but who, with increasing years, relapsed into that apa- 
thetic life which seems peculiar to an Oriental climate. 
His career would have been one of uninterrupted success 
but for the disaster at Kurdlah ; and that no other great 
calamity overtook him must be attributed to his alliance 
with the British Government. He was the first of his 
family who sought the English ; and that he did not make 
more out of his connection was — whatever may be as- 
serted to the contrary — in consequence of his unbounded 
faith in his ally. He is said to have excelled in duplicity, 
and that he should more than once have been caught 
breaking faith with the Mahrattas is not so surprising as 
the assertion of his minister, Eokun-ood-Dowlah, that his 
master had been thrice duped by the Mahrattas. 





Secunder Jah, the second and surviving son of Nizam chap. 
Alee, succeeded to the musnud very peaceably ; though, VL 
so far back as 1798, the Governor-General had made this Secunder 


undisturbed possession of the throne subject of special 
consideration for the British Eesident at his father's 
court. Secunder J ah has been called illegitimate, but the 
expression is wrongly applied in respect of the Asopheea 
family; for the reigning prince, while he has unre- 
stricted commerce with any female on the premises of his 
palace, the moment she becomes pregnant he undergoes 
with her the legal obligation of nikkah, which gives 
legitimacy to the issue. This, I may mention, is a 
common custom in all Mahommedan countries ; and the 
intervention of the Cazee is not even required; two 
witnesses, also to be Mahommedans, being sufficient to 
verify and make valid the nikkah. 

Secunder Jah was born on the 19th October, 1771, and 
was originally named Akbar Alee! During his father's 
lifetime he was called Secunder Jah, as well as Folad 
Jung; but he preferred the former name upon assuming 
sovereignty. The assent of the Emperor of Delhi was 
ceremoniously obtained to his accession; and this was 

G 3 



chap, granted along with the confirmation of all his father's 
— ^ — - titles. 

eeunder p or the first time, too, in the history of this govern- 
ment, an instrument from the Governor-General of British 
India was presented to Secunder Jah upon his accession, 
confirming all engagements and treaties of the British 
Government with his father, the late Mzam, and declaring 
that "the said engagements and treaties shall be duly 
observed until the end of time." Secunder Jah recipro- 
cated the compliment within a week's time, by a like 
written engagement, as will be seen upon reference to 
the series of treaties in the Appendix ; only that he 
prefaced the declaratory assurance with the profound 
sentiment, " By the blessing of God." 

Some months previous to the death of Mzam Alee, the 
subsidiary force had left Hyderabad, and had taken up a 
position on the frontier of the Peishwa's dominions, where 
the state of affairs indicated the approach of hostilities 
with the principal Mahratta chiefs who were opposed to 
British influence at the Peishwa's court. The force was 
here, after many vexatious delays, joined by the contin- 
gent of 6000 infantry and 9000 cavalry, which the Nizam 
had bound himself by treaty to furnish. During the 
ensuing campaign the co-operation of these ill-disciplined 
and worse paid troops seems to have been productive of 
little or no advantage, while the operations of the war 
were greatly retarded by the negligent and, in some 
instances, hostile proceedings of the local authorities of 
the Nizam's government. The treacherous conduct of the 
killeedars of Dowlutabad and Daroor, in particular, in 
refusing an asylum to the wounded after the battle of 
Assaye, and in firing upon a detachment of British troops, 
formed the subject of repeated though unavailing remon- 



strances from the Eesident to The Nizam. The general chap. 
bearing, indeed, of this prince at this juncture appears to . VL _ 
have been so extraordinary as to have excited the sus- Secunder 
picion of the British Government as to his ultimate 
designs. A spirited remonstrance was in consequence 
addressed to him by the Governor-General, pointing out 
the consequences of his adhering to the equivocal line of 
conduct he was then pursuing, and calling on him to sign 
an additional article to the Treaty of 1800, by which the 
contracting powers agreed to admit, whenever called upon 
to do so, the troops of either party into their respective for- 
tresses. This was done under date the 9th January, 1840. 

Soon after, The Nizam's dominions received a very con- 
siderable augmentation ; for a partition treaty having 
been concluded with Dowlut Eao Scindia and the Nagpore 
Eaja, the latter ceded to the Nizam all the country of 
which he collected the revenue in conjunction with the 
Nizam, and fixed the Nagpore frontier towards the west 
at the Wurda river, from where it issues out of the In- 
jardy hills to its junction with the Godavery. The hills 
on which Nurnullah and Gawulghur stand, with a district 
contiguous, to the amount of four lakhs of rupees reve- 
nue, were to remain with the Nagpore Eaja ; but every 
other tract south of the Injardy hills and west of the 
Wurda to be transferred to the Nizam. From Scindia he 
received all the territories that chief possessed prior to 
1803, situated to the south of the Ajunta hills, including 
the fort and fertile district of Jalnapoor, the town of 
Gundapoor, and all the other districts between that range 
of hills and the Godavery. These were, in fact, first 
ceded by Scindia to the British Government, but imme- 
diately afterwards transferred in perpetuity to the Nizam. 
In consequence of these arrangements, the Hyderabad 

Q 4 



chap, sovereignty received a great increase of territory, and 

- ?J — . obtained a compact and well-defined boundary. 

jah Under y ear °f 1804, too, occurred the death of Azeem- 

ool-Ooinrah, the Prime Minister, when the Nizam was 
strongly urged by the Eesident to nominate Meer Ahum 
to the vacant appointment. The Meer had long been 
known to be favourably affected towards the British ; and 
as The Nizam's disposition was sullen and discontented, and 
too fickle to be relied on, it was rightly judged that any 
advantage to be derived by the British from an alliance 
with the Hyderabad State depended on placing its re- 
sources under the control of a minister who should owe 
his elevation exclusively to their influence. To the Eesi- 
dent's proposal the Nizam yielded a reluctant consent, and 
Meer Allum was accordingly appointed to the office of 
Dewan, though without possessing the unlimited power 
enjoyed by his predecessor. He subsequently appears to 
have gained the confidence of the Nizam for activity, 
.and, by administering to his master's avarice, secured 
his assistance and support in carrying into effect those 
extensive measures of reform which it was found neces- 
sary to introduce into every department of the State. 

Towards the close of the following year, Eaja Mohi- 
put Earn, then Governor of Berar, returned to Hydera- 
bad, and early succeeded in establishing an influence 
with the Nizam, who is said to have always entertained 
towards this individual a grateful recollection of the pe- 
cuniary assistance and other acts of kindness received from 
him previously to that prince's accession to the throne. 
Always distrustful of the close connection which existed 
between Meer Allum and the Eesident, the weak and 
timid mind of the Nizam was easily worked upon by the 
creatures about him to lend his sanction to the intrigues 



set on foot to effect the expulsion of the Minister and Eaja chap, 
Mohiput Eam's elevation to the office. At this crisis, the : — J- — 
prompt and decided interference of the Eesident alone jX nder 
saved Meer Allum from ruin. The Nizam was reluctantly- 
induced to receive him once more into favour, and to pro- 
mise to refrain hereafter from holding any intercourse with 
Mohiput Earn, who was directed to return to his charge in 
Berar. These promises were, however, insincere, as it was 
early discovered that Eaja Mohiput Earn still continued, 
through the agency of Ismail-ee-yar Jung and other profli- 
gate companions of the Nizam, to maintain his influence 
at court, and, if not with the avowed consent of his mas- 
ter, at least with his tacit connivance, to be engaged in 
maturing, in concert with Scindia and Holkar, a plan to 
secure Ins return to power by the destruction of the 
Minister and the subversion of the British alliance. 

No direct evidence was ever adduced in proof of the 
Nizam's having authorised negotiations to be opened by 
Eaja Mohiput Earn with these Mahratta chiefs, who then 
•stood in the light of enemies to the British Government, but 
the whole tenor of his conduct during these transactions 
warrants the belief that, to free himself of the thraldom 
in which he considered himself held, he would gladly 
have availed himself of any assistance which Mohiput 
Earn could have brought to his aid. 

The state of affairs at Hyderabad proved a source of 
considerable embarrassment to the Governor-General, as 
he felt that Government were placed in a very extra- 
ordinary and delicate position by the obligations of the 
defensive and subsidiary treaty with a prince whose pro- 
fligate advisers had led him to manifest a disposition so 
decidedly hostile to the alliance. In this predicament, 
two alternatives were open for adoption : either to aban- 



chap, don the alliance altogether, or by direct and authoritative 
>_ ^ . interference to replace it on its proper basis. The adop- 
Secunder tion of the first must, in justice, have been followed by a 
renunciation of the territories acquired by the East India 
Company under the Treaty of 1800, and would in all 
probability have endangered the political ascendancy of 
the British over other powers in India. It was therefore 
abandoned ; the Governor-General having, on due deli- 
beration, determined to enforce with the full right and 
influence of Government a settlement of the affairs of 
Hyderabad favourable to the interests of the Company. 

Instructions were accordingly conveyed to the Eesident 
to insist on the immediate dismissal of Eaja Mohiput Earn 
and Ismail-ee-yar Jung from his Highness's councils ; and 
in carrying this order into effect, to exercise the utmost 
circumspection to prevent the Minister, Meer Ahum, being 
exposed to any personal danger. 

To secure the latter object, Meer Allum, on the pre- 
tence of paying a visit of condolence to the Eesident, left 
the city and took up his quarters in the Rung-Mahal — a 
garden-house within the Eesidency compound, where he 
remained protected by a guard of the subsidiary force till 
the negotiations with the Nizam had been brought to a 
close, and Mohiput Earn and his followers dismissed from 
his Highness's service. Meer Allum then returned to the 
city and resumed the functions of his office, but, con- 
scious of the strong feeling of dislike which his successful 
struggle with the Nizam had created in the mind of his 
sovereign and the principal chiefs at his court, he consi- 
dered it essential for its safety that a detachment of the 
subsidiary force should be stationed at his palace. To 
crown the Minister's triumph, the Nizam paid the first 
visit of ceremony to his Minister on his return to the 



city, and as a mark of favour bestowed on his followers 
the several offices vacant by the dismissal of Mohiput 

Among other arrangements the government of Berar 
was conferred on Govind Buksh, a brother of Eaja Chun- 
doo Lall, who then held the situation of Meer Allum's peish- 
car, and a body of British troops were detached to place him 
in possession of his new government. On the approach 
of the force, Mohiput Earn moved off with his followers to 
Shorapore, and very shortly afterwards placed himself 
ostensibly in rebellion, though it was currently believed at 
the time that in so doing he was acting under the secret 
instructions of his sovereign. A body of the Nizam's 
troops, sent to oppose him, were defeated with consider- 
able loss, and it was eventually found necessary to move 
the subsidiary force against him, before which he retired 
without a show of opposition, and being pursued from one 
extremity of the Nizam's dominions to the other, fled for 
protection to the Mahratta chief Holkar, by whom he was 
eventually treacherously murdered. 

The death of the Dewan. Meer Allum, in December 
1808, gave rise to a protracted and an angry discussion 
between the British Government and the Nizam in regard 
to the appointment of a successor. It was the wish of the 
Governor-General that Shums-ool-Oomrah should be ap- 
pointed to the situation of Minister, leaving to Eaja 
Chundoo Lall the conduct, as before, of the executive 
duties of the administration in his capacity of Peishwa. 
The Nizam, on the other hand, while he expressed his 
willingness to continue to Chundoo Lall the authority 
which he was permitted to exercise during the former 
administration, expressed so many objections to the ap- 
pointment of Shums-ool-Oomrah, and an anxiety to confer 



chaj?. the office of Dewan on Mooneer-ool-Moolk, that the Eesi- 
T*'-- dent did not deem himself authorised to oppose his High- 

?cunder ness ' s wishes. 

With the fickleness, however, which characterised his 
disposition, the Nizam no sooner found all obstacles to the 
fulfilment of his wishes removed, than he began to waver 
in his resolution, and at one time supporting, at another 
opposing, the views of Mooneer-ool-Moolk, allowed six 
months to elapse without having come to any definite 
determination on the subject. 

Matters remained in this unsatisfactory state till June, 
1809, when the Eesident waited upon the Nizam, and 
after a long and stormy interview, at which Mooneer-ool- 
Moolk and Chundoo Lall were present, prevailed upon 
him to assent to the nomination of Mooneer-ool-Moolk 
to the office of Dewan and Eajah Chundoo Lall to that of 

The real, though not avowed, object of the British 
Eesident throughout these negotiations was to effect an 
arrangement which, while it gave to the Nizam the ap- 
pearance of having exercised his prerogative of appoint- 
ing his own dewan, left the executive in the hands of a 
minister who should be indebted to the Eesident alone 
for his elevation to power, and feel that his maintenance 
in office depended solely on his subserviency to his 

This had in a great measure been accomplished by the 
nomination of Chundoo Lall to the office of Peishcar to 
the Dewan ; but as long as Mooneer-ool-Moolk, as Dewan, 
had it in his power to interfere with his subordinate in 
the details of government, it was rightly judged that much 
embarrassment would thereby ensue, and perhaps even- 
tually lead to the British Government being obliged to 


abandon the projects they had formed at the Court of chap. 
Hyderabad. « — 

The Nizam had offered no opposition to the appoint- j^ under 
ment of Chundoo Lall as Peishcar with the same authority 
as he exercised during the lifetime of Meer Allum ; and 
though he refused to nominate any one but Mooneer-ool- 
Moolk to the office of Dewan, he appears, with singular 
inconsistency, to have regarded that individual with so 
much suspicion, that he was easily induced by the Eesident 
to curtail his power to such an extent that nothing but the 
name of Dewan should be left him. An agreement was 
accordingly prepared which Mooneer-ool-Moolk was called 
on to sign, and by which he pledged himself to refrain 
from any interference whatever in the State. 

Supported by the direct influence of the British Eesi- 
dent, Eaja Chundoo Lall entered upon office, ostensibly as 
Peishcar, but in reality as Dewan of the State, and as the 
Nizam had about the same time withdrawn himself, in a 
great measure, from any connection with public affairs, 
he may, from this period, be said to have ruled supreme 
at Hyderabad. Of the Nizam's sanity, doubts had for 
some time been entertained ; and to this infirmity may 
perhaps be attributed the habits of seclusion and the state 
of sullen discontent in which he passed the remainder of 
his hfe. Other reasons have been assigned for his conduct, 
and it has been supposed that, anxious to avoid a renewal 
of the rough collisions with the Eesident which he had 
already on several occasions experienced, he was content 
to leave the Minister in an uncontrolled possession of 
power, and, at that sacrifice, secure in retirement his per- 
sonal dignity and the semblance of authority still conceded 
to him. 

The control the British now possessed over the resources 



chap, of the State enabled the Eesident to set about those 


— A — • measures for reorganising the Nizam's irregular army 
jcunder w hi c h na( } k een \ on g contemplated by the Home authori- 
ties. A reform was rapidly effected among a considerable 
portion of these troops, and, in the course of a few years, 
a respectable force was organised and equipped under the 
command of British officers, fully equal to any duty for 
which they might be required. 

The Mahratta war of 1817 afforded the first opportunity 
for their employment, and during the campaigns in Malwa 
and the Deccan they early established their character for 
efficiency, and their vast superiority over the raw and ill- 
paid levies which the Nizam would otherwise have sent 
into the field as the contingent he was bound by treaty to 

At the close of the war the Nizam was placed in posses- 
sion of several districts which, in the course of operations, 
had fallen into the hands of the allies. Delays, however, 
connected with a survey of the intended fine of frontier 
between the East India Company's and Nizam's dominions, 
prevented any definite cession of territory being made till 
1822, when a treaty was concluded at Hyderabad with the 
Nizam by Sir Charles Metcalfe. 

By this treaty, the terms of which were most advanta- 
geous to the Nizam, the British Government agreed to 
remit to him all the heavy accumulation of arrears of 
choute to which they had become entitled as successors to 
the sovereignty of the Peishwa, and likewise released him 
in perpetuity from all further demands of this nature. 
A mutual exchange of territory was at the same time 
effected, with a view to obtain a well-defined frontier. In 
receiving the districts which fell to his share by this arrange- 
ment, the Nizam bound himself to respect all the enams 



and wurshasuns held by private individuals in the districts 
in question, provided the holders had performed the con- 
ditions prescribed in the Hon. Mount Stuart Elphinstone's 
proclamation of the 11th February, 1818. The guaran- 
tee of these grants to the owners on the part of the British 
Government which was incurred by this treaty has, for 
the last forty years, involved the Eesident in constant and 
unpleasant discussions with the Nizam's government, whose 
subordinate officers have lost no opportunity, on the most 
frivolous pretences, to interfere with the rights of these 
individuals, and on some occasions even to attack them, 
under the pretext that they had not fulfilled the terms of 
Mr. Elphinstone's proclamation. It is to be regretted that 
when the treaty was formed the rights in question had not 
been secured by a money payment on the part of the 
Nizam's government, instead of the system now in force, 
as some measure partaking of this nature can alone fulfil 
the object with which our guarantee was given, and enable 
the unfortunate holders of these grants to recover the 
amount to which they are justly entitled. 

Several years had now elapsed since the Minister de facto, 
Chundoo Lall, had been placed at the head of the Govern- 
ment, during which, while he implicitly acquiesced in the 
wishes of the Eesident and adhered steadily to the engage- 
ment of the defensive alliance, he was upheld with the full 
influence of our power. At one time the Nizam showed 
some inclination to interfere, and called upon the Minister 
to furnish certain accounts connected with his administra- 
tion. This the then Eesident, Mr. Eussell, appears to have 
considered as an act of undue interference on the part of 
the Nizam, who seems, in consequence, to have lost no 
time, by withdrawing his demand, to recover the false step 
he had made. 



<chap. " The prosperity of the country began early to decline 
— 1^ — • says Sir J ohn Malcolm, in speaking of these events, " und 
ecunder a S y S t em which had no object but revenue, and under 
which, neither a regard for rank nor desire for popularity 
existing, the nobles were degraded, and the people op- 
pressed. The prince (of whose sanity doubts have ofte~ 
been entertained) lapsed into a state of gloomy discontent ; 
and while the dewan, his relations, a few favourites and 
money-brokers flourished, the good name of the British 
nation suffered, for it was said, and with justice, that our 
support of the actual administration freed the Minister 
and his executive officers from those salutary fears which 
act as a restraint upon the most despotic rulers." 

Such was the state of affairs in December 1820, when, 
on Sir Henry Eussell's resignation, Sir Charles Metcalfe was 
appointed to be Eesident at Hyderabad. In the course of 
a few months after his arrival at Hyderabad the new Ee- 
sident became fully aware of the true position of affairs, 
and the total disorganisation into which every department 
of the State, but more particularly the revenue, had fallen. 
A prompt and efficient remedy was required, and this he 
proposed to effect by placing European officers as super- 
intendents in the different districts, with the general 
supervision over the subordinate officers employed by 
the Minister. 

" The Mzam's government," writes Sir Charles Met- 
calfe on the 18th March, 1820, "has entered into the 
scheme with the greatest readiness and seeming convic- 
tion of its expediency. There is a facility of assent on 
the part of the Minister to whatever is proposed, and a 
practical counteraction of whatever is right, arising out 
of the inveteracy of bad habits, which both together form 
a singular character. For the sake of the former quality 



I believe him to be the best minister that we could have 
at this court ; and even as to the latter, I do not see any- 
one who would be better." 

The great object in view was to effect a general settle- 
ment of the land revenue throughout the Nizam's terri- 
tories, and to afford the cultivating classes, and others, 
protection against oppression or extortion on the part of 
the Govern ment or its agents. For this purpose the 
country was divided into several districts, to each of 
which was assigned a European officer charged with the 
general supervision of the revenue assessments and police, 
the executive, however, being left with the subordinate 
officers of the native government. 

" Our object," says Sir Charles Metcalfe in his instruc- 
tions to his assistants, " will be most effectually accom- 
plished if we can save the people from oppression, 
maintain good order, promote prosperity, and at the same 
time uphold the Nizam's government which it is our duty 
to support, and not to supersede or set aside, though it 
may frequently be necessary to check its oppression and 
oppose the extortion of its servants." 

In the fulfilment of these wishes, Sir Charles Metcalfe 
appears to have been ably assisted by the European su- 
perintendents whom he selected for that purpose ; and 
though it has been the practice of the Minister and his 
supporters to decry the benefits derived from its introduc- 
tion, there is occasion to believe that the system during an 
experiment of eight years produced the happiest results. 
The cultivating classes found the greatest advantage from 
an equitable settlement of the land revenue on leases 
granted for fixed terms, and the country in general enjoyed 
an immunity from ^oppression and a state of repose to 
which for centuries past it had been a stranger. 

VOL. i. H 



chap. Coincident with these reforms in the revenue dep 
— A — ' ment of the Nizam's government, the attention of Sir 
ecunder Qi mr i es Metcalfe was directed to effecting some arrange- 
ments by which the embarrassments under which it was 
labouring from the weight of its pecuniary obligations 
might be relieved. The most pressing of these demands 
arose out of its transactions with the house of Messrs. 
William Palmer and Co., of which it had long been in the 
habit of borrowing money, at first on its own responsi- 
bility, but latterly under the guarantee of the British 
Government, the particulars of which are made the sub- 
ject of a separate chapter. 

In addition to the claims of Messrs. Palmer and Co., 
which in November 1823 amounted to rupees 78,70,670, 
the Nizam was also indebted to the British Government 
in the amount of twenty lakhs of rupees, being the excess 
in the collections of the districts ceded by the Honourable 
East India Company to his Highness the Nizam above 
those of the districts ceded by the Nizam to the Company 
under the Treaty of 1822. The credit of the Nizam's 
government at that time was very low indeed, and as it 
would have been impossible for it to have extricated itself 
from the state of bankruptcy into which it had fallen, a pro- 
position was made by the British Government to redeem 
the peshcush of seven lakhs of rupees per annum, due 
on the Northern Circars, for an equivalent in ready money. 
After considerable discussion on this subject, an arrange- 
ment was effected by which the Nizam agreed to relin- 
quish the peshcush in perpetuity in exchange for the sum 
of rupees 1,16,66,666, with which he was enabled to ex- 
tricate himself from the embarrassments in which he had 
been involved. 

I had almost forgotten to notice that in 1815 the 



Nizam's sons residing at Hyderabad collected around them 
all the dissolute vagabonds and Patan bravoes with which 
the city swarmed, and committed the most flagitious 
excesses. The most profligate of these were the two 
youngest, Shums-ood-Dowlah and Moobariz-ood-Dowlah, 
who were supported by the Nizam's wife and mother. 
In the August of that year, they proceeded to the ex- 
tremity of seizing an attendant on the British Embassy 
for the purpose of extorting money, and were in con- 
sequence apprehended and removed to Golconda, but not 
without considerable bloodshed and the death of Captain 
Darby, a British officer belonging to the Eesident's escort. 
When at last despatched to the fortress, the two ladies 
resolved to accompany them, in hopes of influencing the 
Nizam to relent, but on this occasion he evinced unex- 
pected firmness, declaring that he believed the Begums 
wished to get rid of himself instead of the English. The 
principal subordinate instigators of the tumult were sub- 
sequently seized and executed. 

In 1818, after an interval of four years, during which 
he never passed the gate of his palace, the Nizam, accom- 
panied by some ladies of his family, and attended by 
Mooneer-ool-Moolk, Eaja Chundoo Lall, and other minis- 
ters, went to a garden a little way to the southward of 
the city, and in the opposite direction to the Eesidency. 
The troops assembled to escort him on this occasion were 
estimated at about 8000, but probably did not exceed two- 
thirds of that number. While on this excursion he hunted 
sometimes, but in general he secluded himself with his 
usual privacy, and in three weeks returned to the palace 
in the city. The effort of making the excursion and the 
time selected were so much at variance with his accus- 
tomed habits that they excited no small surprise, and 



chap, many extraordinary motives were assigned to account f< 
* such a display of unseasonable activity. But althoug 

ecunder fae Nizam's aversion to the control of the British was 
sufficiently notorious, and his wishes for the success of the 
Peishwa equally so, yet if on this occasion he had been 
stimulated by his servants to the adoption of active mea- 
sures, they certainly had greatly overrated both his bold- 
ness and perseverance. 

Nizam Secunder Jah died at the age of fifty-nine, on 
the 21st May, 1829. He made three separate engage- 
ments with the East India Company : — 

1. Treaty settled by Major J. A. Kirkpatrick at Hyder- 
abad on the 7th August, 1803, recognising and 
confirming all the engagements between the Com- 
pany and the former Nizam. 

2. An additional article of the treaty of general defen- 
sive alliance, settled by Major J. A. Kirkpatrick on 
the 9th January, 1804, providing mutually for the 
free passage of the officers and troops of either go- 
vernment into the territories and forts of the other. 

3. Treaty settled by Mr. C. T. Metcalfe, and executed 
at Hyderabad on the 12th December, 1822, on the 
settlement of territories arising out of certain forts 
coming into the possession of the East India Com- 
pany from the States of Nagpore and Holkar, and in 
consequence of the reduction and occupation of the 
dominions of the Peishwa. 

Secunder Jah was also a party to the treaties of peace 
concluded with the Eaja of Berar at Deogaum on the 
17th December, 1803, and with Dowlut Eao Scindia at 
Surje Arjengaum on the 30th December, 1803, and to the 
Partition Treaty concluded at Hyderabad on the 28th 
April, 1804. 



He was married to the Julian Purwar Begum, the chap. 


daughter of Azeem-ool-Oomrah's son, Syfe-ool-Moolk ; the * — ^ 
nikkah, or legal obligation of marriage, was concluded at jX nder 
Beder in May 1794, but the shadee, or ceremonial, was 
not performed nor the marriage consummated until No- 
vember 1799. By her the Nizam had one son, Meer 
Tufzool Alee, who died before him, and two daughters, 
Ghuffor-oon-Nissa Begum and Namdar-oon-Nissa Begum. 
The Nizam had also eight sons by nikkah wives : — 1. 
Naseer-ood-Dowlah ; 2. Sumsaum-ood-Dowlah ; 3. Moo- 
bariz-ood-Dowlah ; 4. Meer Mounwur Alee ; 5. Meer Fyaz 
Alee ; 6. Meer Mahommed Alee ; 7. Meer Dawur Alee ; 
and 8. Meer Futteh Alee. 

Writing of Secunder Jah only a few years before his 
death, one who had the best opportunities of knowing him 
thus depicts his Highness's personal appearance and cha- 
racter : — " The Nizam is of a tall, bulky, athletic form. 
The expression of his countenance is dull, melancholy, 
and careworn, but mild and good-natured. His colour 
is dark for a Mahommedan of birth, and he looks much 
older than he is. For several years he indulged in both 
women and wine to great excess, but he now lives tem- 
perately. His disposition is naturally humane and bene- 
volent. He has sometimes been guilty of violence to his 
servants, but it has been in sudden anger, and he has 
always appeared to lament it afterwards. His govern- 
ment has never been marked by any public act of vio- 
lence or oppression. He has been supposed to be in some 
degree insane, and certainly the occasional strangeness . of 
his conduct and language has countenanced the suspicion, 
but his extravagance proceeded partly from the conse- 
quences of excess, and partly from a habit which he has 
of affecting ignorance and absurdity whenever a subject 

H 3 


is presented to him which he wishes to evade. His 
natural understanding is good ; at least, it has always 
appeared so whenever he has chosen to exert it. But his 
talents are slow, and his education was totally neglected. 
Until he succeeded to the musnud, at the age of thirty- 
two, all respectable and intelligent society had been denied 
to him ; and having no firmness of character, he is subject 
both to the delusion of his own fears and jealousies and 
to the pernicious influence of the low, senseless creatures 
that are about him. He is very impracticable in argu- 
ment, and tenacious of his own opinion. A notion that 
he has once taken up, he hardly ever abandons. His 
fears may deter him from acting upon it, but he never 
surrenders it to reason. In his manners he is perfectly 
plain and unaffected, of few words, and sparing of com- 
pliments or professions. He is cautious in business and 
scrupulous in pledging himself to anything. He has no 
scholastic acquirements ; he can neither speak nor write 
Persian well, but he is fond of having it read to him, 
especially works on history and medicine. The leading 
feature of his character is avarice. Next to that may be 
classed his dissatisfaction at his alliance with the British 
Government, but even that he seems desirous rather of 
changing than dissolving. He knows his authority could 
not stand alone, but he has indulged in a visionary scheme 
of retaining the benefit of our protection without the right 
of our control. It is from his uneasiness under that con- 
trol, and from his anger at not being allowed to act ex- 
clusively for himself, that he has retired from public 
business. This habit was confirmed by his strong dislike 
of his two former Ministers, Azeem-ool-Oomrah and Meer 
Ahum. He never forgot the severe restraint in which he 
was kept by Azeem-ool-Oomrah during the lifetime of his 



father, and Meer Allurn irritated and estranged him by chap. 
his haughtiness, pride, and overweening ambition. Meer , ' - 
Allum secretly incited him to measures adverse to the j^ under 
spirit of his engagements, and then adduced those very 
measures as arguments with us for the necessity of his 
(Meer Allum's) own powers being enlarged. Of his pre- 
sent Ministry, the Nizam likes Chundoo Lall personally, 
but is jealous of his connection with us. Mooneer-ool- 
Moolk he dislikes personally, but encourages as the rival 
Chundoo Lall. He listens to anybody who flatters him 
with the prospect of independence, and he always throws 
difficulties in the way of measures which are proposed or 
supported by us. But his timidity and weakness are so 
great that it would almost be impossible to betray him 
into violent resistance, and even were he to adopt such a 
course himself his total want of splendour, frankness, 
spirit, resolution, liberality, and all the popular qualities 
of a prince, would prevent his commanding the cordial 
services of any large body of his subjects. There does 
not appear to be any individual about him, either male or 
female, who can be said to be decidedly a favourite, or to 
enjoy any lasting or particular share of his confidence. 
The Nizam leads a life of almost total seclusion. He 
hardly ever appears in public, and seldom sees even his 
own ministers. What little intercourse he has with them 
is sometimes by notes, but generally by messages conveyed 
through the female servants. His time is passed either in 
his private apartments, where he sits quite alone, or with 
a few personal attendants of profligate character and low 
habits, who flatter his prejudices, fill him with delusions 
of visionary independence, and poison his mind with 
stories of the treachery of his ministers and the ambi- 
tious designs of the British Government. He has no 

H 4 



chap, domestic intercourse even with his nearest male relations. 

r- — ' Neither his brothers nor those of his sons, who live sepa- 

Jah? nder rately from him, ever visit him except on the great festi- 
vals,, and even then they are admitted to him in public, 
and he generally receives their nuzzurs, gifts, and dis- 
misses them without speaking to them." 
Naseer- Secunder Jah was succeeded by his eldest son, Naseer- 
Dowiah. ood-Dowlah, originally known as Meer Furkoondah Alee 
Khan, who was born in the year 1792. He was the child 
of a favourite nikkah wife of his father, of the name of 
Chandnee Begum, by whom he had three sons. Naseer- 
ood-Dowlah assumed the following titles upon his acces- 
sion to the musnud : — Asoph Jah, Moozuffir-ool-Moomalik, 
Nizam-ool-Moolk, Nizam-ood-Dowlah, Meer Furkoondah 
Alee Khan, Bahadoor, Futteh Jung, Sipah Salar, Eyree- 
wuffadar, Roostom-ee-Dowran, Aristoo-ee-zuman, Fidnell- 
ee-Senliena, Iktidar-ee-Kesh-wuristhan, Mahommed Akbar 
Shah Badshah-ee-Ghazee; which in plain English signifies, 
" Asoph Jah, equal to Asoph (the Minister of Solomon), 
in digmty, the Conqueror of Dominions, the Eegulator of 
the Kingdom, the Administrator of the State ; Meer Fur- 
koondah Alee Khan, Bahadoor, the Victor in Battle, the 
Leader of Armies, the faithful Friend, the Eoostum of the 
Age, the Aristotle of the Times, the Slave of that Solomon 
the Euler of Eealms; Mahommed Akbar Shah, the vic- 
torious King." 

Advantage was taken of this opportunity by the Go- 
vernor-General of India to revise the objectionable style 
in which the correspondence with the Court of Hyderabad 
had hitherto been carried on. In speaking of himself, the 
Mzam used the imperial phrase of Ma bu Dowlut, or royal 
self, while the Governor-General made use of terms such 
as Niyaz iftund, &c, which admitted an inferiority of rank. 



These were discontinued, and the correspondence of the chap. 
parties conducted on a footing of perfect equality. , 

One of the first acts of the new prince on his accession ^ seer " 
to power was to prefer a request to the Governor-General Dowiah. 
to discontinue the civil interference introduced by Sir 
Charles Metcalfe. This step was probably taken at the 
instigation of Eaja Chundoo Lall,«who had long anxiously 
wished to recover the uncontrolled power he possessed 
before its establishment ; and as the views of the Governor- 
General were favourable to the system of non-intervention 
in the internal affairs of native states in general, the re- 
quest was favourably received, and instructions issued to 
the Resident to relieve the European superintendents from 
the duties on which they were employed. 

In addressing his Highness on this occasion, the Go 
vernor-General explains his sentiments in the following 
words : — 

" Nevertheless, as your Highness entertains the desire, 
worthy of a great prince, to take the government of your 
country into your own hands, I have most readily ordered 
the Eesident to withdraw all interference on his part. 
Only it will be necessary that the howls which have been 
issued with the cognizance of British officers and the con- 
firmation of your Minister, be maintained inviolate. This 
is required by good faith. 

<; In every other respect your authority will be abso- 
lute, whether in the selection or removal of ministers or 
other servants of the State, or in the administration of 
justice, or in revenue affairs, or in any other branch of 
the government of your country ; there shall be no inter- 
ference on the part of this Government in your High- 
ness's affairs." 

The effects of our sudden withdrawal from all inter- 



chap, ference in the civil affairs of the Nizam's government 
V , L _^ began early to manifest themselves in the turbulent con- 
Naseer- ^ uc ^ f severa l f the influential zumeendars. These men 


Dowiah. had been taught by the English officers to expect pro- 
tection against the oppressive acts of their superiors ; and 
when, after the superintendents had been recalled, they 
found no attention paid to their complaints and them- 
selves thus debarred from justice, they naturally proceeded 
to redress their own grievances with the means at their 

The line of policy adopted by Lord William Bentinck 
in regard to the Court of Hyderabad subsequent to the 
accession of the present Nizam, was one of strict non- 
intervention : this system, it was supposed, would be 
acceptable to the Nizam's government ; but so much was 
the Minister in the habit of looking up to the British 
Government, that he never ceased to apply on all trying 
occasions to the Kesident for advice ; and when told that 
it could not be given, he still persevered, apparently un- 
der the idea that he was performing a duty in making the 
Kesident acquainted with every measure of importance. 

The Court of Directors of the East India Company had, 
in the meanwhile, been placed in possession of the state 
into which affairs had fallen in the Nizam's country, and 
in a despatch dated 8th September, 1835, directed the 
Government of India to intimate to the Nizam, through 
the Besident, in distinct terms, that " they could not 
remain indifferent spectators of the disorder and misrule 
which had so long prevailed in its territories ; and that 
if the present Minister would not provide for the proper 
and efficient administration of the country, it would be 
the duty of the British Government to urge upon his 
Highness the necessity of changing his Minister, as well as 



of adopting such other arrangements as may appear to chap. 
be advisable for the purpose of securing good govern- v . ^ L _ 
ment." Ka f eer - 


This communication to his Highness was totally unex- Dowiah. 
pected by the Minister, and caused him the most lively 
alarm. He immediately professed the utmost readiness 
to accede to any proposition, short of surrendering his 
control over the revenue, which the Eesident might pro- 
pose as a remedy for the evils complained of, and spon- 
taneously suggested that the British Government should 
either nominate European officers to superintend the 
judicial administration of the country, or appoint natives 
of rank and respectability to furnish the Eesident direct 
with periodical reports of the conduct of the talookdars. 

Neither of these propositions, however, met the ap- 
proval of the Nizam, who was probably secretly insti- 
gated by the Minister to oppose the steps which he had 
himself, with his usual duplicity, ostensibly recommended 
to the Government ; and it was finally determined to 
appoint ameens, or confidential servants of Government, 
to the different districts, to act as a check on the revenue 
officers, to administer justice, and to repress every species 
of oppression. 

The men selected on this occasion were principally 
munsubdars of inferior rank, illiterate, in straitened cir- 
cumstances, and generally possessed of no qualification to 
warrant their being entrusted with such onerous and 
highly responsible duties. The result, as might have 
been anticipated, was that, instead of being the adminis- 
trators of justice and the protectors of the oppressed, 
the ameens early became the creatures of the talookdars, 
or the secret tools of the Minister and his agents in the 
extortions too often practised in the districts, under the 



chap, pretext of interfering in the family quarrels of private 

« . individuals. The whole system, in short, proved a com- 

Si eer ~ pl ete failure, and benefited no one but the Minister, who, 
Dowkh. by his seeming anxiety to meet the wishes of the British 
Government, and the specious arrangement which he had 
induced the Mzam to adopt, evaded the storm which had 
been raised against him at Hyderabad by the open 
declaration of the sentiments avowed by the Court of 
Directors in regard to the character of his administration. 

In carrying on the affairs of the Mzam's government, 
the Minister still continued, after the warning he had 
received, to be guided by no system or plan. Expedient 
after expedient, generally of a tendency to entail ruin on 
the resources of the country, was recklessly adopted for 
the purpose of supplying his immediate wants, and with 
a total disregard to the calls which were certain to be 
made upon him to meet the expenditure of the following 
year. " Yet," says Major Cameron, the Acting Eesident, 
in writing on this subject, "accidents seem to happen 
as if they were foreseen, and, by some means or another, 
year passes after year, and matters are nearly in the 
same state as before." 

In the year 1838 the state of the Mzam's country was 
again submitted by the Government of India for the con- 
sideration of the Court of Directors, who, on a review of 
all the documents before them, recorded their opinion 
" that while on the one hand the state of the Nizam's 
country and government is such that it would be dis- 
creditable to the British Government to tolerate it, and 
that it can only be reformed by our interference ; on the 
other, that bad as the condition of affairs is already, and 
is likely to continue, there is no reason to expect any 
immediate and violent disturbance." 


Under these circumstances, and taking into considera- chap: 

tion the harmless and unobtrusive character of the Nizam, , 

the Court of Directors proceed to state it as their opinion ^ a d s _ eer " 
44 that all that is required for giving us the power of Dowah. 
effecting a reform in the administration is the permanent 
assurance of such an abstinence from interference in 
public affairs on the part of the Nizam himself, as he 
already for the most part practises — an assurance which 
would cause the Minister to look for support exclusively 
to the Eesident. If the time has not come yet, it may 
soon arrive, when the increasing difficulties of carrying 
on the government may incline the Nizam to acquiesce in 
a proposition for making his abstinence from exercising 
any control over his Minister a matter of formal engage- 
ment, and the ends we have in view might perhaps be 
sufficiently secured by such an arrangement, particularly 
if under its provisions, the Nizam continuing to receive 
the entire surplus revenue, retained a pecuniary interest 
in the good management of his country stronger than any 
which he could have in thwarting the beneficial measures 
which the Minister might adopt, under the advice and 
control of the Eesident." 

In the course of the following year the sentiments of 
the Court of Directors in regard to the state of affairs at 
Hyderabad appear to have been considerably modified 
by a perusal of the reports forwarded by Lieutenant- 
Colonel Stewart and the officers who had been formerly 
appointed as Civil Superintendents. Considerable dis- 
crepancy was found to exist between the statements of 
these officers even in regard to the same districts, and the 
court appears in consequence to have experienced much 
difficulty in forming any definite opinion on the subject. 
They state, however, that they had arrived at the con- 



chap, elusion that the Minister could effect improvement, and 
— ^ — t that if sufficiently urged by the Eesident he might be 
Naseer induced to do so, " without requiring," says the Chairman 
Dowiah. f the Court, " impossibilities ; the Eesident must make 
the Minister clearly understand that whatever can, in his 
circumstances, be done to improve the administration he 
will be required to do, and to enable him to do this, the 
advice which he appears sufficiently ready to seek must 
be freely given." 

In 1839 some important discoveries were made by Mr. 
(now Sir V.) Stonehouse, the magistrate of Nellore, in 
regard to a conspiracy hostile to the British Government, 
supposed to have been formed by a confederacy of chiefs 
throughout India. Among others, Moobariz-ood-Dowlah, 
a brother of the present Nizam, was said to be deeply 
implicated in the transaction, and as it was deemed 
desirable that the strictest inquiry should be instituted 
into his conduct, a mixed commission of European 
officers and natives of rank were assembled for that pur- 
pose at Hyderabad, under the authority of the Eesident 
and the Nizam's government. The court was convened 
in June of that year, and, after a long and protracted 
investigation, closed its proceedings in April 1840, with 
the record of its opinion that Moobariz-ood-Dowlah and 
several of his personal adherents had been engaged in a 
treasonable correspondence with the Nuwab of Woodia- 
gheery, and had likewise taken an active part in organis- 
ing a confederacy among the fanatic Wahabees through- 
out India with views hostile to the British and Nizam's 
Governments. The . opinion expressed by the court on 
this subject met with the approval of the authorities by 
whom it was convened, and in compliance with its sug- 
gestions it was decided that Moobariz-ood-Dowlah and 



ten of his principal adherents, generally Wahabee Mool- chap. 
lahs, should be retained in custody till such time as v. v *' _ 
Government might think that their release would be ^ s . eer " 
attended with no inconvenience. Dawiah. 

In the course of the years 1841-42 the peace of the 
country was on several occasions disturbed by the pro- 
ceedings of armed bodies of men assembled with objects 
of aggression either on our own or the Nizam's territo- 
ries. These, though trivial in themselves, and easily 
quelled by our regular troops, were such as to have been 
beyond the control of the local government authorities, 
whose means were found to be unequal on these occasions 
to even the smallest show of resistance. Into such a state 
of disorganisation had every department of Government 
fallen, that for their regular army, for the maintenance of 
which the Minister was in the habit of debiting the 
Nizam's government upwards of ninety lakhs per annum, 
scarcely a single efficient soldier was forthcoming when 
called for by the Eesident, and the same was also found 
to be the case with the Sebundees, which the talookdars 
should have maintained for the protection of their respec- 
tive districts. The origin and authors of these disturbances 
were never discovered ; but from the circumstance of the 
agents employed at Hyderabad being Mahratta Brahmin 
leaders, the leaders of two of the parties having personated 
the character of the late Appa Sahib, the ex-Kajah of 
Nagpore, and a third seized in the fort of Budamee in the 
southern Mahratta country, there are grounds for con- 
jecture that they emanated from some intrigue among the 
Mahratta chiefs in the Deccan. The disturbance in the 
vicinity of Moondurghee had for its object an attack 
upon the Eaja of Shorapore, in whose disputes with the 
Nizam's government the Eesident was then mediating; 

112 minister's embarrassments. 

chap, and, strange though it may appear, there is little doubt 

> ^ — ' that the parties implicated in it were under the orders of 

Naseer- j)^ j^ a j ? ^he Minister's son, if not under those of 

Dowiah, the Minister himself. 

The events at Hyderabad in 1843-44 might be said to 
consist of little more than a detail of the Minister's nego- 
tiations for loans and his struggles with his rapidly increas- 
ing embarrassments. While his credit with his native 
banker remained unimpaired he generally had it in his 
power to satisfy his creditors for the time, and also to 
meet with sufficient regularity the periodical demands 
made upon him for the payment of the contingent under 
British control ; but as the difficulties by which he was sur- 
rounded increased, he was led into the commission of acts 
arbitrary and injudicious in themselves towards some of 
the most influential Soucars, bankers, at Hyderabad, which 
alienated from him the confidence of the whole body and 
induced them eventually to close their books against him : 
no other source was then left him but to raise as much 
money as he could by fines, fees, and confiscations, and 
for some time he succeeded in thus obtaining sufficient 
funds to meet the most pressing demands of his creditors. 

When this precarious source of supply, however, failed 
him, which it did at an early period, there was no other 
on which he could fall back, as the revenue had already 
been forestalled for two years, and there was no hope of 
the Soucars being again induced to rely on his promises. 
In this dilemma he proposed to borrow a crore of rupees 
from the British Government, to be paid by an assignment 
of seventeen lakhs of rupees per annum on the revenue of 
the country. On finding that before the Governor-General 
could entertain the proposition, the whole financial difficul- 
ties of the Nizam's government were required to be finally 


laid open to him, the Minister withdrew his proposal, and chap. 
applied to the Nizam direct for assistance. He failed, . YI ' _ 
however, to prevail upon the Nizam to advance the funds ^ seer " 
requisite to extricate him from his embarrassments, which Dowiah. 
were stated much below the real amount, and finding it 
impossible to carry on the government any longer, he 
tendered his resignation to the Nizam, and withdrew 
from office on the 6th September, 1843, on a pension of 
1000 rupees (about 100/.) per diem. 

For two months after this time no steps were taken by 
the Nizam to nominate a Minister or to adopt any efficient 
measures to relieve his government from its pressing em- 
barrassments. A Peishwa was appointed in the person 
of Earn Buksh, a nephew of the ex-Dewan, who possessed 
neither ability nor energy, and moreover was not allowed 
to assume any responsibility, so he was merely Peishwa 
in name. The Nizam, however, had assured the Eesident 
previous to accepting Chundoo Lall's resignation that he 
would take an early opportunity of nominating a successor 
to the vacant office. After considerable vacillation he 
appointed Suraj-ool-Moolk, a son of the late Minister, 
Mooneer-ool-Moolk, though for a time he endeavoured to 
transact the business of the State himself, but eventually 
•he was obliged to place affairs in the hands of Suraj-ool- 
Moolk. On the 31st December, 1850, the Nizam's debt 
to the British Government amounted to seventy lakhs of 
rupees (about 700,000/.), besides the demands of native 
bankers. Some instalments wei»e shortly after paid to the 
British Government, but the pay of the contingent force 
began again to fall into arrears. By the summer of 1852 
the officers and men of the force were reduced to the 
greatest straits. Six months of arrears were due, and 
money could not be obtained at less than twenty-four per 

VOL. I. I 



chap, cent., and very grievous hardships were thus inflicted. 
>_ VL ^ Under these circumstances the British Government felt 
Naseer- itself called upon to cause the pay of that force to be dis- 
Dowiah. bursed from its own treasury, and renewed its remon- 
strances to the Nizam. Appendix B. to this volume fur- 
nishes in extenso the minutes of the Governor-General 
and correspondence with the British Eesident relative to 
territory ceded by the Nizam in liquidation of these 
debts. The blue-book from which this matter has been 
taken is said to contain only mutilated papers, or those 
that it suited the imperial ministry to supply, and it has 
been stated that a passage from the Persian letter ad- 
dressed by Lord Dalhousie to the Nizam has been much 
more delicately translated than the original will admit. 
The Treaty of 1853 followed, and three days after died 
the Minister of the Nizam. 

Naseer-ood-Dowlah died on the 11th March, 1857, 
after a reign of nearly twenty-eight years, and was buried 
within the precincts of the Mecca-Musjeed, the great 
mosque near the royal palace, where others of his kindred 
are also interred, the tombs being of that fine white marble 
obtained from the quarries worked at Jeypoor. Naseer- 
ood-Dowlah never underwent the religious ceremonial of 
shadee,but had a son each by two nikkahwives. Ufzool-ood- 
Dowlah, the present Nizam, born in October 1827, is the 
child of Deelawur-ool-Neeza Begum, the daughter of an 
officer at court of no high rank ; and Boshun-ood-Dowlah, 
the second son, born in March 1828, is by a lady of still 
lower position, being the daughter of a furrash attached 
to the palace. Naseer-ood-Dowlah, though not quite so 
tall as the present sovereign of Hyderabad, was still a 
large, powerful man, and very corpulent ; he had a clear, 
bright, blue AfTghan eye, and his features were very pleas- 



ing, especially when he smiled. He was illiterate, but chap. 
from long habit and thorough knowledge of all his cour- > VL 
tiers and servants, possessed the art of governing his own ^ seer " 
court better than his want of education would have led Dowiah. 
people to suppose. He hated bloodshed, and could hardly 
ever be induced to order a sentence of death even on a 
proved murderer to be carried out. He could, when 
occasion required, act with dignity, and had the feelings 
of a king, as his conversations with General Low, the 
Eesident, will show.* He latterly had the old man's vice 
of avarice strongly on him, and was in the habit of paying 
off the debts of his improvident nobles by taking their 
estates into his own management till the advances he 
made were repaid. He always restored the estates, but 
invariably fully repaid himself the loan, and it did not do 
to dispute the accounts of a royal creditor. He was 
generally liked by his subjects, and was considered a good 
eastern sovereign. He amassed large private treasures, 
which are being rapidly squandered by his successor. 

Ufzool-ood-Dowlah, the present Nizam, has had the 
good fortune to receive back most of the territories ceded 
to the English by his predecessor " to mark the high 
esteem in which his Highness the Nizam is held by her 
Majesty the Queen." So says the treaty executed on the 
7th December, 1860, for the quiet of his country during 
the rebellion of 1857 in India to overturn the British Go- 
vernment. The Nizam has not been so liberally treated in 
respect of gifts as more recent principalities and powers, 
but the public have yet to know the particulars of the 
presents about to be made by the Governor-General to 
his Highness, as well as his able Minister, Mooktheear-ool- 

* Appendix B. 
i 2 


chap. Moolk, so favourably known under his older title of SaL 

N^seer- r£^ Q ^j zam j s f a generous disposition. A partiality 
Dowkh. for religious mendicants has led him to be lavish in his 
charity to that particular class. To the same temper may 
be imputed a credulousness the most absurd to anything 
said of his Prime Minister, who has occasion to complain 
of the want of all that support which a minister should 
have in the discharge of a grave and difficult duty. Ee- 
cent circumstances have shown how much reason the 
Nizam has to trust to his Minister, which he himself, with 
very great spirit, has publicly admitted. 

Ufzool-ood-Dowlah has two sons, both very young, the 
second an infant in arms. 

The gross revenue of the Nizam's country, including 
jagheers, is estimated at two and a half crores of rupees, 
equivalent to two and a half millions sterling. The usual 
Hyderabad charge for management is calculated at two 
annas in the rupee, or twelve and a half per cent. The 
surplus will give the net revenue ; but no one has an idea 
of the actual expenditure, which is said to exceed the 
income by twenty lakhs of rupees. 

The Nizam's private treasures are considerable. In 
jewels he is probably the richest individual in the world. 
Almost all the finest jewels in India have been gradually 
collected at Hyderabad, and have fallen into the Nizam's 
possession, and are considered state property. One uncut 
diamond alone, of 375 carats, is valued at thirty lakhs 
of rupees, and has been mortgaged for half that money. 

The Nizam is considered the universal heir of all his 
subjects. Whenever a person of any note dies, his pro- 
perty is secured by the officers of Government, and it is 
only in cases of special indulgence that the Nizam foregoes 



his claim in favour of the family. In this respect, how- chap. 
ever, the ruling Nizam is more liberal than his father. . VL _ 

The tenure, too, of all jagheers which are granted for ^ seer " 
the payment of troops is voluntary, though both the com- Dowiah. 
mand and the jagheers are generally conferred upon the 
son when the father dies. 


CHAP, m 








chap. The Nizam is of the Soonee sect. Among the nobles 


— A — - there are about an equal number of Sheeahs and Soonees. 
he Court. The j^gg of Q i con( ^ a f t h e Kootub Shahee dynasty, 

which was overthrown by Aurungzebe, were Sheeahs, 
but none of the families of that time have survived to the 
present. The families which came from Delhi with 
Nizam-ool-Moolk, and which are now the oldest at Hy- 
derabad, are of the Soonee sect. But many of them have 
fallen into decay, and the influx of Persian families during 
the administration of Azeem-ool-Oomrah and Meer Allum, 
several of whom have risen to consequence, has given 
both number and importance to the Sheeahs. One of the 
objections which the Nizam urged against appointing 
Shums-ool-Oomrah to succeed Meer Allum, was that he 
was a Soonee, and that it had been usual for the Soonee 
prince to have a Sheeah minister. A considerable degree 
of jealousy subsists between the two sects, and they seldom 



The government, though Mahommedan, has no jealousy chap. 
of employing Hindoos among its officers. Eaja Purtab ^ — - 
Wunt was Prime Minister before Eokun-ood-Dowlah, and The Court, 
there are other exceptions. The principal man of busi- 
ness under the Mahommedan ministry has always been 
a Hindoo ; the whole of the finance is in the hands of 
Hindoos ; and of the farmers and managers of the revenue 
as many are Hindoos as Mahommedans; The proportion 
which the jagheers held by Hindoos bear to those held 
by Mahommedans is as one to seven. The proportion 
which the troops commanded by Hindoos bear to those 
commanded by Mahommedans is as one to three. 

As applicable at the present day, Sir Henry Eussell, 
writing so far back as 1819, says : — " Among the persons 
of rank at Hyderabad there are few if any men of talents 
or experience. Those of them who reflect at all appear 
to be sensible that the Nizam's government could not 
support itself without the British alliance. They all pro- 
fess attachment to the English, and most of them court 
our favour and support. They certainly dread and res- 
pect us, but we have no hold upon them except through 
their interests or fears. They are actuated against us both 
by religious bigotry and by political jealousy ; they hate 
us because we are Christians, and because we are power- 
ful. This disposition is perhaps common to them with 
most of the natives of rank throughout India. Our virtues 
would avail little with them if our power were to fail. 
Much of our moderation they do not believe, and much 
of it they do not understand. They mistake for weak- 
ness what we practise as forbearance ; and they cannot 
comprehend how a State can abstain from making a valu- 
able acquisition merely because it would be dishonest in 
it to do so. Our moderation, to be safe and efficacious, 

i 4 



chap, ought to be regulated by our own notions, instead of 
— r— being adapted to their apprehension. We may be as 
he Court. moc [ era t e as we please in counsel, but in action we should 
show nothing but vigour." 

At Hyderabad, however, there is not much friendship 
or closeness of connection between the natives of rank 
Besides the great distinction between Mahommedans and 
Hindoos, and that between the Sheeahs and Soonees, the 
habits of life which necessarily spring from the conceal- 
ment of their women are of themselves fatal to every- 
thing like social or confidential intercourse. They never 
meet together but on occasions of ceremony or business, 
and every man passes his hours of relaxation and retire- 
ment in the secluded privacy of his female apartments. 
They are mutually jealous and suspicious, and many of 
them perhaps hate one another still more than they hate 
us. Among the lower orders, the Hindoos, who are the 
cultivators of the soil throughout the country, are gene- 
rally favourable to us, and would be glad to be trans- 
ferred to the British government ; but the lower order of 
Mahommedans, the bulk of the population of the capital, 
are not so disposed. 

The following is the gradation of titles granted 
to Mahommedans at Hyderabad, beginning with the 
lowest : — 1st, Khan, as Sooltan Khan ; 2nd, Bahadoor, 
as Mahommed Salabut Khan Bahadoor ; 3rd, Jung, as 
Syfe Jung ; 4th, Dowlah, as Ushruf-ood-Dowlah ; 5th, 
Moolk, as Mooneer-ool-Moolk ; 6th, Oomrah, as Shums- 
ool-Oomrah ; and 7 th, Jah, as Aristo Jah. The titles 
granted to Hindoos are : — 1st, Rae, as Eae Khoob Chund ; 
2nd, Raja, as Eaja Chundoo Lall ; and 3rd, Wunt, as 
Eaja Neem Wunt. There is also a large body of Mun- 
subdars, or titular commanders, both Mahommedans and 



Hindoos. In the flourishing times of the Mahommedan 
power the higher titles were conferred on a few only of 
the principal nobility ; and under a government where all 
distinctions are military, every other person derived his 
importance from the number of troops he commanded. 
Originally these commands were real, and constituted the 
gradation of military rank; They are now invariably 
nominal, and may be considered to form a sort of Legion 
of Honour. There are two distinct classes of munsubdars 
at Hyderabad, — those whose ancestors were appointed by 
the King of Delhi while the Deccan was subject to his 
authority, and they are called Eoyal Munsubdars, and 
those appointed by the Nizain and his predecessors, who 
are simply called Munsubdars. Those who desire to be 
choice in particularising the two call them respectively 
padshahee and dewanee. Eaja Eao Eumbhar was a 
royal munsubdar of 7000, and Iftikhar-ool-Moolk one 
of 6000. The Eaja of Shorapoor, and the Zumeendar of 
Paloonchah, on the Godavery, were both made royal 
munsubdars by Aurungzebe, whose policy it was, while 
he was employed against the Mahrattas, to conciliate by 
distinctions the persons holding strong positions in the 
countries he had already reduced. There are not above 
five or six royal munsubdars remaining in the Nizam's 
country. Those of the other class are very numerous. 
The Nizam himself was appointed by his father a mun- 
subdar of 17,000. Shums-ool-Oomrah is a munsubdar of 
7000. The lowest munsubdars there are at Hyderabad 
are of 400. 

Next to the Nizam's immediate relations, Mooktheear- 
ool-Moolk, or Salar Jung — the name by which he is 
generally known to Europeans — the Dewan, or Prime 
Minister, from his office, has precedence before all the 



chap, other nobles at Hyderabad, and Shums-ool-Oomrah takes 
—J^—- rank next as Commander of the Paigah, or household 
he Court, troops. When the Nizam is on his elephant it is con- 
sidered to be the privilege of the Minister and the com- 
mander of the Paigah troops to sit behind him, the Min- 
ister taking the right hand. When the Nizam is on his 
musnud, or throne, the Minister stands or sits in front or 
on one side of him, as he may desire. Shums-ool-Oomrah 
and his sons generally sit behind him, Shums-ool-Oomra" 
holding a bunch of peacock's feathers to beat away the 
flies. The Auruzbegee always stands in front. This last 
officer is the master of the court ceremonies. The name 
imports the receiver and recorder of petitions, which he 
reads in presence of the Nizam. Auruzbegee is com- 
pounded from the Persian word urz, petition, and the 
Turkish word beg, lord ; in short, Lord of the Petitions. 

Until the appointment of Mooneer-ool-Moolk, in 1809, 
who received a fixed salary of six lakhs of rupees (60,000/.) 
a year, the Minister was paid by a commission on the re- 
venues, called Sennee, or three annas on the rupee — about 
fivepence in two shillings ; that is, for every rupee on the 
revenues that was levied for the Government, an additional 
three annas were levied for the Minister. But the commis- 
sion was levied only when the demands of the Government 
had been previously satisfied ; so that in many places, 
where the public revenue fell short, nothing was levied 
for the Minister. This commission, during the time Meer 
Allum was in power produced, on an average, rupees 
17,18,344 a year. Calculating on the rate of collections 
actually made, and on the probable produce of the 
jagheers, it ought, if fully realised, to have given an 
annual produce of rupees 52,34,753. 

In the present day the Dewan has a fixed monthly 



allowance of 15,000 rupees, and his naib, or deputy, the chap. 
Peishcar, the financial officer, 10,000 rupees. Besides this 


allowance, the Dewan receives nuzzur, presentation-money, ^^ nath 
and the income by this means is considerable. Five and Dass. 
fifteen rupees respectively, according to rank, is the nuzzur 
merely upon introduction. Another source of income, in 
which he shares with the Nizam, is the regulated scale of 
fees upon employment or office being conferred, entered in 
the public accounts as durbar khurch, or court expenses : 
this is analogous to the fees taken by certain officers under 
European governments. 

Before Nizam-ool-Moolk threw off supremacy to the 
Emperor of Delhi, which is generally accepted to have 
taken place in October 1723, he had on one occasion left 
one Eaja Deanath as his minister or agent ; but beyond 
this statement I have not been able to trace anything of 
this Hindoo. Eaja Eagonath Dass, whose biography I will 
presently enter upon, is really the first Dewan, or Prime 
Minister, of the independent sovereignty of Hyderabad in 
the Deccan. 

Sometime in the month of December, 1750, Eamdass, 
a Brahmin by caste, and a native of Chicacole, who was in 
the confidence of Naseer Jung, and brought about his 
master's death under the intrigues of M. Dupleix, was 
raised, for his treachery, by French intervention, to the 
post of Prime Minister to Moozuffir Jung, with the title of 
Eaja Eagonath Dass. When M. Bussy influenced Salabut 
Jung to carry war into the Mahrattas' own country, as the 
most effectual method of terminating the incessant annoy- 
ances by plunder occasioned by the Mahrattas, Eagonath 
Dass placed himself in treaty with Tara Bhaee and with 
the Eaja of Kolapoor. The result of these proceedings 
was that armistice already noticed elsewhere. But the 

124 THE nizam's dewans. 

chap, symptoms of disaffection in the troops did not cease. 

« Eagonath Dass, the Dewan, was assassinated at Balkee, 

Eagonath on tne April, 1652, in a tumult apparently created 
Dass. by the soldiery on account of their arrears. 
Syud On the assassination of Eaja Eagonath Dass, Salabut 

Khan kur Jung, who was at Hyderabad, sent for Syud Lushkur Khan 
and Shah Nuwaz Khan, the ablest and most popular men 
under his government, who were then residing at Aurung- 
abad. Both were inimical to the French party, the former 
secretly, and the latter openly ; both, however, had of late 
endeavoured to obtain the good opimon of M. Bussy, whose 
influence over Salabut Jung was already paramount. By 
Bussy 's advice, Syud Lushkur Khan was raised to the 
office of Dewan, and Shah Nuwaz Khan was made Soo- 
behdar of the province of Hyderabad. Syud Lushkur 
Khan was intimately connected with the Mahrattas, and 
secretly favoured the cause of Ghazee-ood-Deen. When 
positive accounts reached Salabut Jung that Ghazee-ood- 
Deen was on his route to the Deccan, Syud Lushkur Khan 
had the address to persuade Salabut Jung and M. Bussy 
that by resigning his situation as Dewan and pretending 
to go over to the Mahrattas, he should be able, from his 
influence with many of their chiefs, to induce a great 
number of them either to join Salabut Jung as allies, or to 
remain neutral in the quarrel. Shah Nuwaz Khan was 
accordingly appointed to act as vuzeer, whilst Syud Lush- 
kur Khan proceeded to the residence of a Mahratta chief 
at Kurmulla. On the approach of Ghazee-ood-Deen, the 
Peishwa moved towards Burhanpoor. Syud Lushkur 
Khan and his Mahratta friend had an interview with him, 
at which Syud Lushkur Khan, as if the envoy of Salabut 
Jung, began by stating that his master had received letters 
from the emperor, from which it appeared that Ghazee- 



ood-Deen was merely to proceed to Aurungabad, settle the chap. 

government in his own name, appoint his brother deputy, • r-1- 

and return to Delhi. The Peishwa, however, perfectly un- |^ az 
derstood that Syud Lushkur Khan intended to joinGhazee- Khan - 
ood-Deen, and wished to obtain his support ; but, however 
desirable it might be to have a fit minister at Hyderabad 
in his own interest, he was sensible of the abilities of Syud 
Lushkur Khan, and doubtful of what might be his con- 
duct when he obtained power. He nevertheless wrote to 
Ghazee-ood-Deen respecting these overtures. The letter 
was referred by Ghazee-ood-Deen to his ministers, Syud 
Ashkur Khan and Mahommed Anwar Khan, who, dreading 
Syud Lushkur Khan more as a rival than an enemy, de- 
sired the Peishwa to detain both him and Nimbalkur, and 
bring them on to camp. Ghazee-ood-Deen and the Peish- 
wa met at Aurungabad, and there seemed to be a prospect 
of settling the claims of all parties, when Ghazee-ood-Deen, 
in an evil hour, accepted an invitation to an entertainment 
provided in the city, partook of a poisoned dish, prepared 
by the hands of Nizam Alee, and expired the same night, 
September 12th, 1752. 

Salabut Jung was now without a rival in the govern- 
ment of the Deccan. Having confirmed the cessions made 
by his lately deceased brother, and the different forces 
having parted their various ways, he reinstated Syud 
Lushkur Khan as Prime Minister. During M. Bussy's ab- 
sence at Masulipatam on account of ill health, Syud Lush- 
kur Khan took the opportunity of weaning Salabut Jung 
from Bussy's influence, and in the course of a few months 
artfully detached the French corps, and contrived to carry 
Salabut Jung to Aurungabad preparatory to the entire re- 
moval of Europeans from his territory. Bussy's illness was 
long and severe ; but as soon as he could travel, he col- 



chap, lected his troops and repaired to Aumngabad, where he 
^Z^L_. procured the dismissal of Syud Lushkur Khan, and the 
s hah appointment of Shah Nuwaz Khan as Minister. 

JNuwaz x 1 

Khan. In 1755, when the Peishwa had taken active steps to 

reduce Savanoor for protection given to a native soldier 
who had left his service, the Prime Minister of Hydera- 
bad, Shah Nuwaz Khan, who was at this time, for a special 
purpose, in secret league with the Peishwa, observing this 
formidable assembly of troops on the part of the Mah- 
rattas, with well-dissembled alarm, collected troops with 
the avowed purpose of forming an army of observation 
on the Krishna. Vukeels were in due form sent by the 
Peishwa to declare his pacific intentions, and to solicit aid 
against the Nuwab of Savanoor, the subject of Salabut 
Jung, whose conduct he represented as hostile to both 
states, and his power, if not instantly crushed, of a nature 
to threaten the subjugation of the Carnatic. Salabut Jung 
and M. Bussy having been brought to accede to an alliance, 
the Mogul army marched to assist the Mahrattas then 
besieging Savanoor. Bussy, than whom no Frenchman 
better knew the art of display, prepared his artillery, and 
in the face of the two armies, amounting to 100,000 
men, opened a fire on Savanoor so heavy and efficacious 
as to intimidate the garrison and excite the lasting ad- 
miration of the besiegers. The Nuwab of Savanoor was 
admitted to terms, and on giving up a part of his ter- 
ritory and making due submission to Salabut Jung and 
the Peishwa, a reconciliation took place. 

A considerable part of these arrangements was prepara- 
tory to the secret scheme contemplated by the Peishwa 
and Shah Nuwaz Khan of compelling the French to quit 
the Deccan. Shortly after the fall of Savanoor, it was in- 
timated to M. Bussy that the services of his corps were no 

THE nizam's dewans. 127 

longer required by the Soobehdar of the Deccan. This char 
unexpected communication at once laid open to Bussy 
the extent of the machinations against him, and he took ^J az 
his measures for counteracting them with admirable pru- Khan, 
dence and decision. He accepted his dismissal from the 
service, demanded passports to Masulipatam, and marched 
straight to Hyderabad, where immediately on his arrival 
he occupied some strong buildings. 

Shah Nuwaz Khan was with Naseer Jung when he 
lost his life in the Carnatic, and, although he had dissem- 
bled his enmity, he was never reconciled to the French. 
He had a better opinion of the English nation, and at his 
suggestion an application was made to Madras for a body 
of troops to assist in expelling Bussy. That presidency 
would have taken advantage of an offer which accorded 
so entirely with their views, but the disastrous account of 
the capture of Calcutta, on the 20th June, by Shoojah- 
ood-Dowlah, ISTuwab of Bengal, arrived at Madras in 
July, and obliged the English to send every disposable 
man to recover their lost settlement and avenge the fate 
of their murdered countrymen. But Bussy maintained 
his post at Hyderabad against the army of Salabut Jung, 
and contrived to secure in his interests the principal 
Mahrattas in the Mogul service. A reconciliation with 
Salabut Jung soon took place, and Bussy for the time 
attained greater power than ever. 

Salabut Jung, by the advice of Shah JSTuwaz Khan, had 
appointed his brothers, Nizam Alee and Bazalut Jung, 
governors of provinces — the former to Berar and the 
latter to Beejapoor, whither they had proceeded in 1756. 
Bussy in the end of that year departed from Hyderabad, 
accompanied by his dewan, Hyder Jung, to regulate the 
French districts to the eastward, and was thus employed 

128 THE nizam's dewaxs. 

chap, when an opportunity presented itself of reducing some oi 
> VIL . the English factories in that quarter. Salabut Jung, in 
Nmvaz meantime, took the field, and his operations, at the 

Kham suggestion of Shah Nuwaz Khan, were directed against 
Eamchunder Jadow, ostensibly to call him to account for 
not keeping up his established quota of horse, but in 
reality to punish him for not acting against the French 
reinforcements when inarching from Masulipatam to join 
Bussy at Hyderabad. Jadow was deprived of most of his 
jagheer : the Minister spent the season in revenue ar- 
rangements ; and Salabut Jung, attended by his brother, 
Bazalut Jung (from Adonee), cantoned for the rains at 
Aurungabad, after having taken the government of Dow- 
lutabad from the killeedar, in whose family it had been 
from the time of Aurungzebe. It was now given in 
charge of a dependant of Shah Nuwaz Khan, and here 
began a scene of intrigue as eventful and complicated as 
might occur to the fancy of a dramatist. The sum of the 
plot seems to have been — to confine Salabut Jung in 
Dowlutabad — to place the government in the hands of 
Nizam Alee or Bazalut Jung. The Peishwa was either a 
party or the principal instigator of this conspiracy, but 
certain it is that his army marched to the Godavery to aid 
in this design. At all events, in the month of August a 
pretended sedition was raised by the Mogul soldiery at 
Aurungabad on account of their arrears of pay. Shah 
Nuwaz Khan was beset by their clamours — he neglected 
to satisfy their claims — - the troops insisted on his being 
removed from the administration — demanded his dis- 
missal from Salabut Jung and the appointment of Bazalut 
Jung as Minister in his stead. Although contrary to his 
own wishes, Salabut Jung yielded to their request ; but 
the troops were not to be satisfied, and Shah Nuwaz Khan 



was forced to seek safety in Dowlutabad, where he pre- chap. 
pared to defend himself against their unjustifiable vio- ^ YI }' _ 
lence. It is conjectured that the conspirators may have 
expected Salabut Jung would pay the seemingly injured Khan. 
Minister a visit of condolence in the fortress, but some of 
his immediate dependants — perhaps the European officer 
at the head of the French guard — suspected a snare, and 
induced Salabut Jung to promise the Minister protection, 
but to demand his submission. The exercise of a little 
common sense in upholding right rules often disconcerts 
the deepest cunning, but the derangement of the plan only 
thickened the plot. Shah Nuwaz Khan, on being desired 
to surrender, fired on the troops. Nizam Alee was sum- 
moned from Berar by Bazalut Jung to assist in the siege ; 
Shah Nuwaz Khan called in the assistance of the Mah- 
rattas as allies, but some person about Salabut Jung, who 
had more penetration than himself, prevailed on him to 
countermand the advance of Nizam Alee. The latter, 
however, declared he could not hear of his brother being 
so treated by a rebel minister without hastening to his sup- 
port. He advanced accordingly, and troops from all quar- 
ters were called in by Bazalut Jung. Still, however, the 
troops attached to Salabut Jung — of whom 200 were 
Europeans and 500 disciplined sepoys left by Bussy — 
were not to be overpowered with impunity, and the con- 
spiracy was aimed rather at the liberty than the life of 
Salabut Jung. The Mahrattas began to plunder the 
country. The necessity of union was now much talked 
of, and Shah Nuwaz Khan suffered himself to be prevailed 
upon to submit. Great preparations were made to oppose 
the Mahrattas. Nizam Alee, to whom the office of Minister 
had been resigned by Bazalut Jung, made all the disposi- 
tions for the order of battle and of march. The humble 

VOL. I. K 



chap, post of protecting the baggage was assigned to Shah 
Nuwaz Khan. The friends of Salabut Jung remonstrated 

Nuwaz against his allowing his brother to have the entire manage- 
Khan. ment of his army ; and his pride and resentment being 
aroused, he told Mzam Alee that he could not submit to 
it. The latter at first affected indignation, but afterwards 
so completely soothed his brother by assurances that his 
welfare and honour were his only care, that Salabut Jung 
forgave all — obliged him to take back the Seal of State 
he had resigned, and bestowed on him their father's titles 
of Mzam-ool-Moolk, Asoph Jah. Very shortly after this 
reconciliation, intelligence was received that Eamchunder 
Jadow, proceeding to pay his respects and join the army 
of Salabut Jung, was attacked, surrendered, and driven 
into the town of Sindhkeir, where he was besieged by the 
Peishwa's troops. Orders of march were instantly issued, 
but the same influence which hitherto had prevented 
Salabut Jung from falling into the power of his enemies 
once more frustrated their designs — he would not move. 
Nizam Alee, however, proceeded to Sindhkeir, went 
through the farce of rescuing Eamchunder Jadow, of beat- 
ing the Mahrattas, and compelling them to make peace. 
Although the latter, with more show of reason, afterwards 
claimed the victory, the nominal defeat was a disgrace to 
which the Peishwa would have willingly submitted, in 
consequence of his having received a cession of territory, 
yielding an annual revenue of upwards of twenty-five lakhs 
of rupees. How Nizam Alee could reconcile this trans- 
action to his brother cannot be ascertained, and can 
only be accounted for by supposing that the agreement was 
secret. Ballajee Eao returned with Mzam Alee to Aurung- 
abad as a friend, but the arrival of Bussy with a well- 
appointed force, consisting of 200 European cavalry, 


500 European infantry, 5000 sepoys, and ten field- c ^ p - 
pieces — besides his detachment with Salabut Jung — • — re- 
threw the whole cabal into confusion, and, except the au- | h u a w h az 
dacious Nizam Alee, intimidated the rest of the con- Khan - 
spirators. All were ready to pay their respects, and no 
one more prompt than the late Minister, Shah Nuwaz 
Khan. He had been led farther into the mazes of intrigue 
than he had contemplated, he had seen enough of Nizam 
Alee to be assured that Salabut Jung was a better man, 
and he was probably sincere in his desire to replace every- 
thing on its former footing ; but once embarked, there is 
no saying where the current of factious guilt may drive, 
or who shall be absorbed in its whirlpool. 

Bussy, with the measured manner which it became 
him under such circumstances to assume, paid his respects 
to Salabut Jung as the superior whom he served ; met 
the Peishwa half way in a tent prepared for the occasion ; 
visited Nizam Alee — but as one whose designs were 
more than suspicious, accompanied by a strong escort; 
received Bazalut Jung, but referred Shah Nuwaz Khan, 
who had descended from his rank as Minister, to his 
agent Hyder Jung, for the double purpose of marking a 
distinction, and obtaining, through his keen-sighted in- 
strument, thus placed on an equality with the ex-Minister, 
a complete insight into the views of the faction. 

Shah Nuwaz Khan unfolded everything to Hyder Jung; 
but, as was likely under such circumstances, ascribed his 
motives rather to the weakness of Salabut Jung than to 
his jealousy of the power of the French. The friends of 
Shah Nuwaz Khan had strongly advised him to put no 
confidence in Hyder Jung ; and his conduct in this instance 
is attributed by his countrymen to that inexplicable pre- 
destination which is a rule, of their faith. On being made 

K 2 


the nizam's dewans. 

chap, acquainted with the scheme, under such colouring as 
, VIL . Hyder Jung thought fit to give to it, Bussy was led to 
shah deceive Shah Nuwaz Khan by promises of forgiveness and 
Khan. restoration to the ministry. To have restored Shah 
Nuwaz Khan was now, perhaps, the wisest expedient 
that could be adopted. He was respected in the country, 
knew its resources, and, notwithstanding the fictitious 
want of money he had created, the revenues, under his 
management, were in a state of progressive improvement. 
He had experienced the irresistible power of the French, 
the weakness and futility of faction, and he had seen 
the premature disposition to villany in the bold mind 
of the young Nizam Alee. 

Bussy, if he found it inconvenient to replace Shah 
Nuwaz Khan in the ministry, had not even the excuse of 
necessity for stooping to duplicity ; he had only to act on 
the broad principle of right, and trust to what was in 
his power — a strong arm and a good cause. But, influ- 
enced, unfortunately, by the representations of an Asiatic, 
his conduct became entangled in the tricks and intrigue 
which true wisdom despises. His plans seem, in this 
instance, to have had no very definite purpose, even in 
his own mind, though there is abundant ground to suspect 
that his agent may have contemplated his own elevation, 
and played deep for the high place of Mogul Minister in 
the Deccan. 

Hyder Jung having corrupted the Killeedar of Dowluta- 
bad, Bussy became the principal actor in a scheme by 
which he gained little honour from having obtained 
possession of that fortress. Shah Nuwaz Khan was made 
prisoner, and the greater part of Mzam Alee's troops 
were debauched by bribes, amounting in all to eight 
lakhs of rupees, and came over to Hyder Jung. Of the 



number was Ibrahim Khan Gardee, who had been brought chap. 

up as an officer of sepoys under Bussy, and had gone ^ Y ^'. . 

over to Nizam Alee in Berar, in consequence of having ^ hah 
incurred Bussy 's displeasure. The Peishwa, who was Khan, 
very desirous of possessing Dowlutabad, returned from 
a position fifty miles to the west of Aurungabad, and in 
vain used every argument with Bussy to prevail upon 
him to deliver it up to the Mahrattas. Nizam Alee, 
however, in the hope that the Peishwa would join him 
after their late transaction, promised the fort of Dowluta- 
bad, and many other cessions, as the price of an alliance 
which should raise him to the viceroyalty of the Deccan ; 
but Ballajee Eao saw no advantage from his overtures. 

Bazalut Jung, the present Minister, was neither of a Bazalut 
dangerous nor a formidable character, but he was capa- Jung * 
tile of being made an instrument either for a good or a 
bad purpose. Por some reasons it would have been ill- 
advised to remove him, especially as he had become se- 
cretly inimical to Nizam Alee, whose audacity pointed to 
extreme measures from which Bazalut Jung recoiled ; but 
the designs of Hyder Jung remained incomplete, whilst 
Nizam Alee was at liberty ; he therefore determined on 
placing him in confinement, as well as Shah Nuwaz Khan, 
and at first thought of immuring him in Dowlutabad ; but 
the influence of Nizam Alee, even with the soldiery who 
had quitted his service, was considerable, and the prox- 
imity of Dowlutabad to the province of Berar made that 
fortress a fitter prison for Shah Nuwaz Khan than for 
Nizam Alee. Whether Bussy ever would have autho- 
rised his native agent to take the steps he meditated, is 
certainly very questionable ; if he had, it is not improbable 
that Hyder Jung, in time, would have sacrificed his Prench 
friends to his own ambition. Hyder Jung and Nizam 

K 3 



chap. Alee had now each their own reasons for dissimulation : 
- — r— - the one proffered friendship, and the other affected con- 
jung Ut ^ ent * Hyder Jung wished Nizam Alee to accept the 
government of Hyderabad, that he might be nearer Gol- 
conda, where he intended to imprison him. Nizam Alee 
received the proposal with much seeming satisfaction ; 
intercourse was re-established, and everything was made 
ready for departure. Hyder Jung paid him a visit prior 
to his setting out ; and Mzam Alee having prepared for 
his reception, murdered him in the tent. A great tumult 
ensued as soon as the event was known. The French hue 
beat to arms ; Shah Nuwaz Khan, who was confined under 
a guard of Europeans and sepoys, was supposed to be the 
instigator of Hyder Jung's murder ; and a Hindoo officer 
of French sepoys — with all of whom Hyder Jung had 
been extremely popular — entered the tent during the 
uproar, and put Shah Nuwaz Khan, together with his 
son and Yemen-ood-Dowlah, to death. Nizam Alee fled 
towards Burhanpoor the same night. The tragedy was 
thus closed on the 11th May. 

The Peishwa, with the Mahratta army, returned to 
Poona ; and Bussy shortly after, not choosing to encou- 
rage Salabut Jung in war against Mzam Alee, bent his 
course towards Hyderabad. When on the march to that 
capital he received from M. Lally — then supreme autho- 
rity of the French possessions in India — those peremptory 
orders of recall which at once deprived his nation of the 
great power and influence he had established. 

Salabut Jung had appointed Bazalut Jung his Dewan 
at the suggestion of M. Bussy. Their union was cer- 
tainly the most likely mode of upholding the government 
of Salabut Jung and overawing the factions at his court ; 
but the party of Nizam Alee gained strength as soon as 



Bussy had departed for Pondicherry, and the only French chap, 
troops in the Deccan were confined to their own districts > — 
— the Northern Circars — under M. Conflans. jung lut 

Nizam Alee, soon after he reached Burhanpoor, exacted 
a heavy contribution from that city. With the money 
thus obtained Nizam Alee began to raise troops. He 
was shortly after again joined by Ibrahim Khan Gardee 
with his corps, when he quitted Burhanpoor and took 
up a position about a hundred miles south of that city at 
the town of Basum. The Minister, Bazalut Jung, insti- 
gated the Mahratta Sena Sahib Soobeh to attack his 
brother; accordingly, one of that functionary's officers 
intercepted Nizam Alee's artillery, which was coming to 
join him from Burhanpoor, and took the whole of it. In 
consequence of this aggression Nizam Alee made a sudden 
march towards Ankola, which he surprised and plun- 
dered, but being attacked by a superior force, under 
Janojee in person, he retired on Burhanpoor for the 
purpose of equipping some guns for Ibrahim Khan. As 
soon as he had furnished himself with this auxiliary, in- 
valuable against Mahrattas, ' he returned, attacked, and 
completely defeated Janojee's army. Nizam Alee's success 
soon obtained him friends ; Janojee concluded an alliance 
with him, and he had, further, received encouragement 
from the Peishwa. He had also been courted by the 
English, not in consequence of his victory, but as a son 
of Nizam-ool-Moolk, who, beyond reconciliation, had 
committed himself with their enemies the French. As 
soon, therefore, as he understood that Salabut Jung had 
quitted Hyderabad for the purpose of assisting the garri- 
son of Masulipatam, which was besieged by the English, 
Nizam Alee, after taking possession of Aurungabad, moved 
towards the capital. 

K 4 



chap. The advance of Nizam Alee hastened the conclusion 


r ' — of a treaty between Salabut Jung and Colonel Forde, 
Aiee. m although Bazalut Jung, who was partial to the French, 
endeavoured to obstruct the arrangement. The treaty- 
did not provide for the assistance of the English against 
Nizam Alee; as every inducement on that point was 
resisted by Colonel Forde. Salabut Jung returned to 
Hyderabad, where, on the arrival of Nizam Alee, much 
dissension arose among the brothers, but Salabut Jung 
was constrained to restore the office of Dewan to Nizam 
Alee, and Bazalut Jung departed for his government, the 
seat of which was Adonee. 
pStab When Nizam Alee imprisoned his brother in 1761 and 
Wunt - usurped the entire rule of the country, he raised Wittul 
Soondur, a Brahmin of the Yajurweedee tribe, to the 
office of Dewan with the title of Eaja Puetab Wunt, or, 
as he is otherwise called, Eaja Bahadooe. He was but 
a supple instrument in the hands of his wily master ; 
though a master of duplicity himself, and so treated by 
the Mahratta chiefs who attempted any intrigues through 
him. It is of this minister that tradition has it, that 
upon the sack of Poona in 1763, when Nizam Alee per- 
mitted cows to be slaughtered, he, as a Brahmin, took no 
objection; hence the retribution which soon overtook 
him. As the Mogul army, on the route towards Aurung- 
abad, arrived at the Godavery, Nizam Alee, with a part 
of his force, crossed over, leaving the Dewan with the 
remainder at Eakisbone, on the south bank of the river, 
until the whole of the stores and baggage had been sent 
over. At this juncture, Janojee Bhonslay, a disaffected 
Mahratta chief in the service of Nizam Alee, but who 
had been bought over by his countrymen, on pretence of 
not receiving money to pay his troops, quitted the Dewan, 



and encamped at a distance. This movement was the chap. 
signal for the Mahratta army to make a rapid march and v_ 


attack the Moguls. A sanguinary conflict ensued, in pSta b 
which the Moguls were routed with immense slaughter, Wunt - 
and among the slain was Eaja Purtab Wunt, the Dewan. 

Some time after, Syud Lushkur Khan was advanced to 
the position he had occupied before, but now with the 
title of Bokun-ood-Dowlah, or Pillar of the State. A Rokun- 
great man in the widest and best sense of the expression, iah. D ° w " 
and respected among the people, his influence left his 
sovereign merely a name : there is little to surprise one, 
under the circumstances, to learn that in the year 1775 
Eokun-ood-Dowlah was assassinated by order of his royal 
master and in that master's presence — there being twc 
versions of the mode of assassination, the one that the 
Minister was stabbed, and the other that his brains were 
beat out, neither being unusual as coming from a despotic 

Sumsam-ool-Moolk and Veekar-ood-Dowlah were the 
principal parties of several by whom the business of the 
State was conducted, as the Nizam, having got rid of 
Eokun-ood-Dowlah's inordinate power, was determined 
not to entrust the functions of this important office to 
any single person for any prolonged time, until it was 
conferred upon his last and favourite minister. 

Azeem-ool-Oomrah was of a tribe in Hincloosthan called Azeem-ool- 
Murrul, who pretend to derive their descent from Nu- 0omrah - 
sheervan, the first king of Persia. He was the son of a 
respectable but not eminent man of the name of Turrook 
Taze Khan, and grandson of Hussain Mahommed Khan, 
an officer who originally accompanied Nizam-ool-Moolk 
to the Deccan. He was born in 1734, at Ellichpoor. 
His original name was Gholam Syud Khan, and he began 


the nizam's dewans. 


chap, life on an allowance of fifty rupees (5/.) a month. He 
-I^Ls first attached himself to the interests of Nizam Ah 
during the reign of Salabut Jung, and was one of the five 
persons who were Nizam Alee's associates in the murdei 
of Hyder Jung, the agent of M. Bussy, and who on that 
account were always particularly distinguished by the 
Nizam. He was so rapidly advancing in favour while 
Eokun-ood-Dowlah was Minister, that that nobleman be- 
came jealous of him, and in order to remove him from 
the capital, appointed him Soobehdar of Aurungabad, and 
afterwards Killeedar of Ousa. Azeem-ool-Oomrah subse- 
quently contrived to ingratiate himself with Sumsam-ool- 
Moolk, and to get recalled to Hyderabad. He was soon, 
however, banished by Veekar-ood-Dowlah, who took 
alarm at his designs. He was afterwards appointed vukeel, 
or agent, of ZulFer-ood-Dowlah, commonly called Dhounsa 
— one of the most powerful nobles of the Nizam's govern- 
ment — and in that capacity was allowed to return to the 
capital, when the administration was in the hands of 
Shums-ool-Oomrah, the Eae Eogaum, and his brother, 
Nana Pundit. He soon regained his place in the Nizam's 
favour, and in 1783 he was admitted to a share in the 
government with Shums-ool-Oomrah, of whom he gra- 
dually made himself independent. He accompanied 
Secunder Jah, while heir-apparent to the musnud, in 
1791, when he joined Lord Cornwallis in the command 
of his father's army against Tippoo. On the occasion of 
the Nizam's disgraceful peace with the Mahrattas at 
Kurdlah, in 1795, Azeem-ool-Oomrah was delivered up to 
the Peishwa to gratify the personal resentment of Nana 
Furnavees ; but while he was still a prisoner at Poona, he 
engaged in the revolution by which Bajee Eao,the Peishwa, 
was fixed in the government, and, as the price of his assist- 



ance, obtained an engagement, releasing the Nizam from chap. 
most of the injurious stipulations of that Treaty of Kurd- *v - V] [ 1 ' -^ 
lah. In June 1797 he returned to Hyderabad, where he re- ^^J 01 " 
sumed the administration of affairs, out of the hands of 
Momtanz-ool-Oomrah and Eaja Saam Eaje, and he con- 
tinued to exercise it with almost absolute authority until 
his death, which happened in May 1804, at the age of 
about seventy. Aristo Jah was the founder and constant 
promoter of the Nizam's alliance with the British Govern- 
ment against the opposition, first of Shums-ool-Oomrah, 
and afterwards of Momtanz-ool-Oomrah. He proposed 
a general defensive treaty to Mr. Johnston, who was Eesi- 
dent at Hyderabad in 1785 ; he prevailed on the Nizam 
to yield to Lord CornwalhYs demand for the Guntoor 
Circar in 1788, and immediately after deputed Meer 
Allum on a mission to Calcutta. On his return from 
Poona in 1797 he made an overture to Sir John Shore for 
an enlargement of the Soobehdaree engagements with the 
Nizam, and the year after he entered eagerly into Lord 
Wellesley's measures for destroying the French party at 
Hyderabad, and prosecuting the war against Tippoo. On 
the conclusion of the general defensive treaty with the 
Nizam in October 1800, a pension of a lakh of rupees 
a year was settled on him by Lord Wellesley. He was 
frequently called by his different titles, Musheer-ool-Moolk 
and Aristo Jah. His family was of the Soonee sect, but 
he himself became a Sheeah by conversion. He died 
without a male heir, but had adopted the seventh son of 
the Nizam, who married his daughter. 

Meer Allum succeeded Aristo Jah in the office of Meer 
Prime Minister. His father, Meer Syud Euzee, was a AUum * 
Persian by birth, and though celebrated for his learning 
and piety, was in very moderate circumstances. He mar- 


ried Padshah Begum, the daughter of Meer Abool Fuzel 
Khan, also a Persian, by whom he had ' two sons, Meer 
Allum and Meer Zein-ool-Abodeen, and one daughter, 
Muriam Begum, married to Behram-ool-Moolk. He had 
also a natural daughter, Sukeena Begum, married to Moo- 
sta-Keem-ood-Dowlah. Meer Allum owed his prosperity 
chiefly to his own talents. He was first noticed by 
Azeem-ool-Oomrah, by whom he was employed on a 
mission to Lord Cornwallis in 1789, and he afterwards 
accompanied the Nizam's army to Seringapatam, where 
he conducted the negotiations for peace on the part of 
his own government. In 1794 he was deputed to Poona, 
but failed in his endeavours there to compose the dissen- 
sions which led in the following year to the war between 
the Nizam and the Mahrattas. He commanded the force 
in 1795 which was sent in pursuit of Alee Jah, the eldest 
son of Nizam Alee, on his rebellion, and made him pri- 
soner at Aurungabad. He was appointed by the Nizam, 
at the instance of Azeem-ool-Oomrah, Minister for English 
Affairs, and in that capacity negotiated with Captain 
Kirkpatrick the Treaty of 1798. During the campaign 
which followed he commanded the Nizam's army, and 
after the fall of Seringapatam he visited Lord Wellesley 
at Madras. On his return to Hyderabad in 1799 he was 
received with great distinction ; but a difference soon took 
place between him and Azeem-ool-Oomrah, who was jea- 
lous of his increasing influence and reputation, and found 
a pretext to prevail on the Nizam to remove him from his 
office in April 1800, and banish him to his jagheer, where 
he lived in disgrace until 1803. He was then permitted, at 
the intercession of the Eesident, to return to Hyderabad 
on account of the alarming state of his health. He still, 
however, continued under personal restraint until the 



death of Azeem-ool-Oomrah, when, at the recommendation chap. 
of Lord Wellesley, he was appointed Minister by the 
Nizam, and held the office until he died, in December 
1808, in the fifty-sixth year of his age. His original 
name was Meer Abool Cassim, and his family being Per- 
sian, he was of the Sheeah sect. He had a pension of 
24,000 rupees a year from the British Government. Meer 
Allum was twice married ; by his first wife, a Persian by 
birth, Shazada Begum, the daughter of Syud JafFeer Khan, 
he had one son, Meer Dauran, who died without issue in 
1802 ; and two daughters, Nusissa Begum and Saheb 
Begum, who were successively married to Mooneer-ool- 
Moolk. Meer Zein-ool-Aboodeen, the younger brother 
of Meer Allum, was in the service of Tippoo Sooltan, and 
died at Seringapatam during the siege in 1799. 

Mooxeek-ool-Moolk, after the lapse of some time, was M J^ ee ^ 
appointed Prime Minister. His family, originally of Arab 
extraction and of the Sheeah sect, settled at Aurungabad 
in the end of the seventeenth or the beginning of the 
eighteenth century. His grandfather, Sheer Jung, who 
held the office of Soobehdar of Aurungabad, was the first 
of the family that removed to Hyderabad, where he died 
in about 1771. His son, Ghyoor Jung, was Padshahee 
Dewan, an officer supposed to act on the part of the King 
of Delhi, but whose authority was quite nominal. Ori- 
ginally the accounts of the public revenues were recorded 
by him, and his sanction was necessary to all grants of 
land. The seal of the Padshahee Dewan was affixed to 
every grant made by the Nizam until the office was abo- 
lished by what diplomatists now call the force of circum- 
stances — the extinction of the last of these Padshah ees. 
Ghyoor Jung married Boochoo Begum, the daughter of 
Salar Juris, a relation of his own, and died in about 1792, 

142 the nizam's dewans. 

chap, leaving four sons and two daughters. Ikram-ool-Moolk, 
v__ V T IL — > the eldest son, was Khansaman, or master of the house- 
wi-MoSc t0 tne late Nizam, and died in 1798. Ushjah-ool- 

Moolk, the second son, was Soobehdar of Aurungabad, and 
died in about 1801. Mooneer-ool-Moolk, the third son, 
was born in about 1764, and for a time held his father's 
office, Padshahee Dewan. In the early part of his life he 
was little known. He was first brought forward by 
marrying Meer Allum's daughter. While Meer Allum was 
in banishment he remained at Hyderabad, and when 
Meer Allum was appointed Minister in 1804 he exerted 
himself to be made the deputy, but without effect. In 
1809, after an interval of some months from the death of 
Meer Allum, he was nominally appointed his successor. 
It was provided, however, that all the business of the 
Government should be conducted by Eaja Chundoo Lall, 
the deputy, and that he should hold only the name of 
Minister, with a fixed salary of six lakhs of rupees a year. 

Mooneer-ool-Moolk's original name was Alee Zemaun. 
He held jagheers in his own name and the names of 
his family rated at rupees 2,83,000 a year, of which 
2,39,467 were personal and the remainder towards the 
maintenance of a party of 541 horse. He was a mun- 
subdar of 5000. The following character was drawn in 
1809 by Captain Sydenham — no admirer, it will be seen, 
of the individual he pourtrays: — "Mooneer-ool-Moolk 
has all the little vices of a man of weak understanding 
who has been bred up by women and spends most of his 
time amongst them. He is timid, ignorant, bigoted, ex- 
tremely superstitious, full of little jealousies and suspicions, 
curious of other people's concerns, effeminate in his lan- 
guage and manners, and abounding in professions and 
compliments. He seems incapable of any warm and 



steady attachment, listens to every tale of calumny, and chap. 
lias not candour or spirit enough to trust any person. >— V ! L -- 
He is fond of money, and never refuses the smallest or ooi-Mooiic 
largest bribe. He is not quite illiterate. He has gone 
through some part of the common book learning of the 
Moosulman, but he has no other knowledge, and has no 
curiosity for liberal or useful information. He has not 
been accustomed to the transaction of affairs of import- 
ance, but he has acquired some facility in the management 
of small concerns and in expediting matters of mere 
detail. He has no experience in the business of any of 
the principal departments of the State, but he is well 
acquainted with all the current business between the 
Eesidency and the Durbar. He mixes with ease and 
address in the society of Europeans, and has become 
familiarised to some of their peculiar habits and customs. 
He is of course acquainted with the most striking parts of 
our national character, and has caught up some of our 
leading maxims of policy and government. His timidity 
would deter him from engaging in any deep or dangerous 
intrigues, and there is nothing of a restless or turbulent 
ambition in his character. He would probably be con- 
tented to carry on business as smoothly as possible, and 
would think it prudent to be guided by the advice of the 
Eesident. The most objectionable parts of his character 
as a public man are his duplicity and his inveterate pro- 
pensity to secret intrigues, which render it difficult to 
understand on what ground he stands, and dangerous to 
trust him with information of consequence. I observed 
that Meer Allum never permitted him to be present when 
any subject of importance was to be discussed by us. 
It would not be safe, therefore, to trust entirely to his 
principles, but it would not perhaps be difficult to control 


chap, him by his fears. Although Mooneer-ool-Moolk's niece 
is married to the Nizam, and his office gives him prece- 

^l-MooiL dence before all the other noblemen of the Government, 
still he possesses no weight or influence beyond his imme- 
diate family and servants, and his character must always 
prevent his acquiring any. For some years he was the 
object of the Nizam's most violent hatred. This feeling 
appeared to originate in his having married Meer Allum's 
daughter, whom the Nizam himself wished to marry. 
It ran to such a pitch that he was forbidden the Durbar, 
and the Nizam once said that he should like to have him 
cut in small pieces to feed the crows at the palace gate. 
The reconciliation between them was effected on Meer 
Allum's death by the females of the Nizam's family, who 
were bribed by Mooneer-ool-Moolk, and the Nizam was 
probably fixed in his determination to make him Minister 
by seeing that the British Government espoused the cause 
of his rival, Shums-ool-Oomrah. Even after this recon- 
ciliation the Nizam trusted him, and employed him only 
as the rival of Chundoo LalL The situation in which he 
stood to Chundoo Lall placed him in some degree in 
opposition to the Eesident, but he was well affected both 
by habit and opinion towards the British Government, to 
whose interests, if he were tried, he would probably 
adhere as faithfully as it is in his nature to adhere to any 
cause whatever. For the last three years before his death 
he had been anxiously endeavouring to procure the 
Nizam's daughter, GhufFoor-oon-Nissa Begum, in marriage 
for his eldest son, and with that view conformed in many 
respects to the observances of the Soonee sect." Mooneer- 
ool-Moolk married successively the two daughters of Meer 
Allum, as I have already noticed in the life of the latter. 

Oom^ah? 01 " Shums-ool-Oomrah, who is still living, is the only son 



of Shums-ool-Oomrah Taigh Sing, an old and favourite chap. 

adherent of Nizarn Alee, who died in 1791. He was • r-— 

born at Hyderabad in the year 1781, and succeeded his oo^ST 
father in the command of a body of troops which now 
consists of 4369 horse and 2395 foot. Of these, 2200 
horse are considered to form the Paigah or household 
troops. He is of the Soonee sect, and his original name 
is Seikh Fukhur-ood-Deen. He is a munsubdar of 7000, 
and his jagheers are rated at rupees 30,39,544 a year, of 
which sum 29,57,301 is for the maintenance of his troops 
and 82,243 is personal. The produce of the lands assigned 
to the Paigah party was formerly much larger. On the 
death of his father, the late Shums-ool-Oomrah, Sir John 
Kennaway said that they were rated at 38 lakhs, but 
were supposed to produce 54 lakhs of rupees a year. He 
does not now hold any other situation than his military 
command. He was proposed by his uncle, Umjud-ool- 
Moolk, as a candidate for the office of Minister, on the 
death of Meer Allum, but was rejected by the Nizam when 
it appeared that his pretensions were favoured by the 
British Government. Captain Sydenham saicl of him on 
that occasion: — " Shums-ool-Oomrah is a young man about 
twenty-eight years old, fair, handsome, of mild disposi- 
tion and manners. His understanding is said to be weak, 
and there is a vacancy in the expression of the counte- 
nance which strongly confirms that report. He has a 
difficulty of utterance, and seldom speaks. He is curious 
in all articles of European manufacture, and is ambitious 
of having his house furniture and equipage as much as 
possible according to the European fashion. He takes 
great delight in mechanics, handicraft, and the popular 
experiments of natural philosophy. The whole of his 
time is devoted to these pursuits, and he leaves the man- 

VOL. I. L 


the nizam's dewaxs. 

chap, agement of his affairs and the command of his party to 
v- VI T L his maternal uncle, Umjud-ool-Moolk. In both these Oom- 
Oo^ah 01 " m ^ s ^ ^ ave a ^ wa y s observed considerable dignity and 
steadiness of character and conduct, — a pride which ren- 
ders them much above all petty intrigues and all jealousy 
of the advancement and good fortune of other persons. 
They seem too conscious of the superiority of their rank 
and station to fear any competitors. They confine them- 
selves to their own business, and appear to take no inte- 
rest in other people's concerns. They are fond of having 
Europeans in their service, and treat them with great 
consideration and kindness. Since my arrival at this 
place their conduct has been perfectly unexceptionable. 
I have never beard anything of them which could 
lead me to suspect that they are at all inimical to 
the interests of the alliance, and indeed Umjud-ool- 
Moolk has frequently exerted his influence over the 
Nizam's mind to the benefit of the alliance. Although 
I have had very little intercourse with them, we regu- 
larly exchange complimentary messages, and they have 
always been extremely civil and courteous to me." But 
Umjud-ool-Oomrah died in 1813, and with him Shums- 
ool-Oomrah lost a relative, not only of commanding 
intellect, but a valuable friend and adviser. For a short 
time after this he was surrounded by men of low, dissolute 
habits, and he seems to have yielded to that senseless, 
vulgar clamour against Europeans, so prevalent even at 
the present time among the worst description of Mahom- 
medans. Sir Henry Eussell must at this juncture have 
become acquainted with him, for he writes in the follow- 
ing manner, very different to the high character that 
Shums-ool-Oomrah bears nearly forty years after that 
writing: — "He is capricious in his temper, frivolous in 

the nizam's dewans. 


his pursuits, faithless in his promises, and oppressive, chap. 
rapacious, and unjust in all his dealings. No reliance ^ VI Y L _x 
could be placed upon him in any crisis connected with o^™ s lh ° o1 " 
the interests of our alliance with the Nizam. During the 
commotion preceding the confinement of the Nizam's 
sons in Golconda, in August 1815, he boasted that he 
was the only person whose troops were prepared to 
resist the English, and he said in the public court of the 
palace that if every man in the city would but throw a 
handful of earth upon us, we should be overwhelmed. 
He has no direct intercourse with the Eesident, nor ever 
had, except when he was a candidate for the ministry. 
They meet only at the Nizam's, where they exchange 
salams, or salutations ; but they never had any con- 
versation, except on one or two trifling accidental occa- 
sions. His influence, though very much impaired by the 
weakness of his character, is still considerable, from his 
high rank, his near connection with the Nizam, his exten- 
sive command, and the large tract of country which is 
assigned to him in jagheer. In 1801 he married Busheer- 
oon-Nissa Begum, a daughter of the late, and sister of the 
present Nizam, by whom he has two sons and three 

I have stated the worst that can be said by his enemies 
of Shums-ool-Oomrah, of which he himself is not ignorant. 
Of the two British Eesidents who have written of him, it 
will be seen that Captain Sydenham thought favourably 
of him, and Sir Henry Eussell disliked him. Shums-ool- 
Oomrah, however, happens to be in that position not to 
care for mere personal dislike ; and there have been cir- 
cumstances in his career to engender independence of 
spirit. In the biography of Azeem-ool-Oomrah I have 
made mention of ZmTur-ood-Dowlah, who, I must now 

L 2 


the nizam's dewans. 

chap, state, was a nobleman of unbounded wealth, but that he 

VII. . . 

• . — ' grew into such immense power that the subject's fidelity 

Oomrah!° 1- was distrusted by his monarch, Nizam Alee. As a counter- 
poise to this power of Zuffur-ood-Dowlah, the father of 
Shums-ool-Oomrah was made Commander of the Paigah 
Horse, and had his command of the household troops 
very much enlarged. With the death of Zuffur-ood-Dowlah 
his power was entirely broken up, and the first Shums-ool- 
Oomrah's situation as Commander of the Paigah in its en- 
tirety descended to his son, the present and second Shums- 
ool-Oomrah, then in his minority. The influence of his ma- 
ternal uncle, Umjud-ool-Moolk — a good man, but of mean 
capacity, who was the guardian of Shums-ool-Oomrah — 
could not make head against the influence of the Minister 
of the day, who was the enemy of that house, and Shums- 
ool-Oomrah the younger succeeded to a smaller command 
and emoluments. 

Shums-ool-Oomrah officiated as Minister for about five 
months, when he constantly told the Nizam that he did not 
wish to hold the office, and that he continued to retain it 
reluctantly — in fact, he wished to throw it up : and the 
Nizam relieved him. 

Abool Fukhur Mahommed Fukhur-ood-Deen Khan — 
for this is the family name of Shums-ool-Oomrah — was 
the grandson of a nobleman who had accompanied the 
great Nizam-ool-Moolk from Delhi, and the son of the 
first Shums-ool-Oomrah, who was not only Commander of 
the Household Troops, but who had at different brief 
intervals held office also as Dewan. Abool Fukhur's titles 
are : — Shums-ool-Oomrah, the Son of the Noble ; Shums- 
ool-Doivlah, Son of the State ; Shums-ool-Moolk, Son of 
the Country ; Umeer-ee-Kubbeer, the High Nobleman, and 
Tegh Jung, the Sword of War, Bahadoor. 



Of his two sons, the titles of Eufudeen Khan, the eldest, chap. 


are: — Oomdut-ool-Dowlah, the Greatness of the State; » — , — - - 
Oomdut-ool-Moolk, the Greatness of the Country, and oomraiT 1 " 
Namwur Jung, Famous in War, Bahadoor. The titles of 
Eushud-ool-Deen Khan, the second son, are : — Ikhteedhar- 
ool-Moolk,the Strength of the Country : lkhteedhar-ool-Dow- 
lah, the Strength of the State ; and Bahadoor Jung, Intrepid 
in War. The latter married a daughter of Secunder Jah, 
the grandfather of the present Nizam, and by her has had 
two sons ; the eldest, Mahommed Mohee-ood-Deen Khan, 
commonly called Sheeblee Saheeb, a very fine-looking 
young man and his grandfather Shums-ool-Oomrah's fa- 
vourite, is married to a daughter of the present Nizam. 

Shums-ool-Oomrah is not only the premier noble of the 
Court of Hyderabad, but is reputed to be the wealthiest 
noble in the province. He has some beautiful landed 
estates, and among these is one which, for the museum it 
contains, is called Juhan Numa, a View of the World : 
to Europeans this estate will be entertaining for the beau- 
tiful collection of living cranes and storks that it contains. 
The mansion is built after the old French style, with a 
gallery overlooking the reception-room ; and a labyrinth 
in the grounds recalls the story of Fair Eosamond of our 
English Henry the Second. 

Shums-ool-Oomrah's faculties are still unimpaired ; and 
it is hoped that he will continue to wear his honours long, 
as he wears them well. His attachment to the British has 
been already noticed by General Low, and he has since 
shown it in more ways than one. 

Eaja Chundoo Lall, the real Minister of the Nizam Kaja Chun- 
during the incumbency of Mooneer-ool-Moolk, was the son do ° LaU * 
of Eae Narrain Dass, of the Khitree Mehree tribe. Eae 
Moolchund, the grandfather of Eae Narrain Dass, was in 

. L 3 



chap, the service of the Emperor Mahommed Shah, and came 
- r from Delhi to the Deccan with Nizam-ool-Moolk, under 
^ml* 7 wnom ne afterwards held the office of Kurrorah, or Head 
of the Excise, at Hyderabad. Eae Lutchee Earn, the son 
of Eae Moolchund, held the same office about the year 
1770, under Eokun-ood-Dowlah, while Prime Minister. 
On his death, his eldest son, Eae Nanick Earn, succeeded 
to that employment. Eae Narrain Dass, the younger 
brother of Eae Nanick Earn, was the father of both Eaja 
Chundoo Lall and Eaja Govind Buksh. He died about 
1776, and his sons were adopted and brought up by their 
uncle, Eae Nanick Earn. Eaja Chundoo Lall was born in 
1766. He first held a subordinate employment in the 
Excise. Early in the administration of Azeem-ool-Oomrah, 
Eae Nanick Earn was removed from the office of Kurrorah, 
and soon after died. In 1794, Eaja Chundoo Lall was 
presented, by the late Nizam's son-in-law, Buddee Oolla 
Khan, to the Nizam and Azeem-ool-Oomrah, who were at 
Beder preparing for war with the Mahrattas, and was 
in consequence sent to take charge of the districts of 
Ouncha and Purgool, as the agent of Buddee Oolla Khan. 

In 1795, Buddee Oolla Khan having joined in the 
rebellion of Alee Jah, and fled from the Nizam's terri- 
tories, Eaja Chundoo Lall returned to Hyderabad, where 
he was patronised by Shumshur-ool-Moolk, an old and 
favourite adherent of the late Nizam, and one of his five 
associates in the murder of Hyder Jung. Eaja Chundoo Lall 
was soon after made Kurrorah, and appointed to the charge 
of Muktul and some other districts to the south-west of 
Hyderabad. In 1 797 he resigned the office of Kurrorah, in 
consequence of some new arrangements being introduced 
into the department by Azeem-ool-Oomrah, of which he 
did not approve ; and he then received charge of Belhary, 



Gooty, Kurpah, and a large portion of the districts which chap. 
were afterwards ceded to the East India Company by the v V * L -' 
Treaty of October 1800. Eaja Chundoo Lall delivered J*^^ 1 " 1 " 
these districts over to that Company's officers, and then 
returned to Hyderabad, where he remained ever after- 
wards. On Meer Allum's appointment to be Minister in 
1804, Eaja Chundoo Lall was confidentially employed by 
him. He first received charge of the lands assigned for 
the payment of the Paigah troops under Shums-ool- 
Oomrah; and in 1806 he was appointed Peishcar, Finance 
Minister, to Meer Allum, on whose death, in 1808, he 
became the efficient Minister of the Government, Moo- 
neer-ool-Moolk having been appointed Dewan, under an 
express provision that he was to be Minister only in 
name, and that all the authority and responsibility of the 
office were to be vested in Eaja Chundoo Lall, under his 
former designation of Peishcar. He held the office until 
he resigned, in September 1843 ; and his death occurred 
on the 15th April, 1845. 

Eaja Chundoo Lall married the daughter of Eae Wittul 
Eae, a respectable man at Burhanpoor, in the service of 
Scindia, by whom he had a son and daughter. 

A sketch of this remarkable man, who for thirty-five 
years occupied so prominent a position in Indian politics, 
has already been so admirably pourtrayed, though per- 
haps with too strong a bias in his favour, by Sir Henry 
Eussell, in 1820, that I have little more to do than to 
adopt it : — 

"Eaja Chundoo Lall is of middling stature, very thin, 
and of rather a dark complexion. The expression of his 
countenance is mild, intelligent, and thoughtful. He has 
lost his teeth, is much bent, and bears great appearance 



chap, of infirmity. In his manners he is unaffected, and even 
>-™'— * humble. He is free from ostentation of every kind, and 

doo Lau" 1 " * s no ^ ex P ens i ye m n * s own family or person ; but he is 
profuse and indiscriminate in what he considers to be 
charity, and is always in want of money. He has been 
very well educated, both as a scholar and a public 
officer. His understanding is sound, his talents quick, 
his memory retentive, his industry indefatigable, and he 
has great experience and aptitude in all the modes of 
business, from the highest branches down to the most 
minute detail. He does everything himself, and the la- 
bour which he undergoes is almost incredible. He rises 
early enough to get through his religious observances by 
daylight. He is then attended by the different officers of 
Government, with whom he transacts business until about 
nine o'clock, when he goes to the palace if necessary, 
otherwise he continues transacting public business until 
about noon, when he takes his first meal. He then again 
transacts business until three in the afternoon, when he 
lies down for an hour and looks over his domestic ac- 
counts. During the afternoon and evening he sits in 
public and receives the visits of those .who wait on him 
either out of compliment or on business. At about eight 
he takes his second meal, and afterwards examines, signs, 
and despatches all the different papers which have been 
prepared during the day. His only recreations are music 
and literature. At about midnight his business is closed, 
and he is then attended by singers and musicians, and by 
a number of persons who are eminent for their learning, 
their skill in poetry, or for any other polite attainment, 
with whom he converses for about an hour, and then 
retires to rest. His great, and perhaps his only defect, is 
a want of firmness and decision. He is said to be per- 



sonally brave, but he is totally devoid of political courage, chap. 
The very mention of a bold measure alarms him, and he > _ VIL 
resorts to every species of procrastination and expedient ^^ ul 
to avoid it. He is naturally humane and benevolent, but, 
like all weak men in power, he allows great severity 
and injustice to be practised under the sanction of his 
authority. His virtues belong to his private, and his 
faults to his public character. In his politics, though he 
is not bold, he is sensible and prudent. He is convinced 
that the Nizam's power cannot support itself, and he is 
devoted, with unquestionable fidelity, to the alliance with 
the British Government. On his return to Hyderabad, 
after delivering up the ceded districts in 1800, he was par- 
ticularly noticed by Colonel Kirkpatrick. He was after- 
wards indebted to Captain Sydenham for much of the pros- 
perity which he now enjoys, and in addition to his original 
predilection, he has so strongly incurred the jealousy of 
the Nizam himself, as well as of the principal Oomrahs, 
that he feels he must henceforward owe his very safety 
to the support of the British Government. Raja Chun- 
doo Lall is paid for his official duties by a commission 
on the revenues, which for some years .past has been 
annually producing on an average nearly three lakhs of 
rupees. He also receives a considerable sum in nuzze- 
rana, or presents, as well as on the appointment of per- 
sons to different offices. He is a munsubdar of 5000, 
and his party consists of 2000 horse and 2310 foot. He 
has no jagheers of his own, though his children, legiti- 
mate and illegitimate, have had." 

There are two excellent portraits of Chundoo Lall — 
one at the Eesidency in oils, which was taken when he 
was far advanced in years, and the other in the posses- 
sion of Mr. William Palmer in water colours, taken some- 



chap, what earlier — and both of them deserve preservation fo 

VII . • 

^ — ^ — • the sake of the original. 

Sm-aj-ooi- After Eaia Chundoo Lall's retirement, the Nizam, 

Moolk. . J _ . ' 

upon various pretexts, refused to appoint a permanent 
Minister, and gave considerable umbrage to the British 
Government, not so much for his vacillation, as from their 
want of confidence in anybody, until some nobleman was 
appointed possessing both ability and the weight of 
personal character. The Eesiclent of the day felt an 
interest in Nuwab Suraj-ool-Moolk, and for a time he 
officiated as Dewan, though a better selection could not 
have been made from the candidates to that high office ; 
but the Mzam could not be induced to make more than 
an ad interim arrangement. Eaja Sook Lall, uncle to 
Eaja Earn Buksh, nephew to the ex-Minister, was ap- 
pointed Wukeel between the Mzam and the finance 
officer. Eaja Seo Purshad, agent of the late Minister, 
was ordered to attend the Durbar daily. The Nizam 
declared he would personally supervise all diplomatic 
matters. A regular system of criminal and civil justice 
was to be introduced into the Udhalut. Moulvee Kuna- 
mut Khan was to direct the former, and Hakeem Ghoolam 
Hoosain Khan the latter. The sittings of these courts were 
to be held at Suraj-ool-Dowlah's palace, so that the sove- 
reign could take personal cognizance of all proceedings. 

Much, however, as the sovereign mistrusted others, 
he seemingly mistrusted himself still more. Suraj-ool- 
Moolk was displaced after a time for Shums-ool-Oomrah, 
and as the latter would not hold office at any price, Eaja 
Earn Buksh, who had been Peishcar under Mooneer-ool- 
Moolk, was appointed in his room. These changes were 
so frequent, and the English Eesident put to so much 
annoyance, that the Governor-General of India had to in- 



terfere, which led to the nomination in 1851 of Suraj -ool- chap. 

... VII 
Moolk, after a lapse of nearly eight years in procrastination. A- 

Allum Alee Khan Sher Jung, Suraj-ood-Dowlah, Suraj - ^ r ^ 01 " 
ool-Moolk, Dewan-ee-Deccan, was a son of Mooneer-ool- 
Moolk, and held office for a short time, his death occur- 
ring in December 1853. No Peishcar was appointed 
during his incumbency. He was mortified at the terms 
of the Treaty of 1853, and, strange to say, he died three 
days after it was executed. 

Suraj -ool-Moolk was very clever and very dissipated, 
without the slightest pretension to being a statesman. Of- 
fice had sought him, not that he sought office ; and out 
of a host of competitors, he might over and over again have 
been selected for his literary attainments — for he was not 
only fond of Persian and Arabic literature, but he was 
otherwise acknowledged to be a good Eastern scholar. He 
was a most agreeable companion. Hospitable and libe- 
ral almost to a fault, a perfect epicurean in his habits, 
these were qualities to cover a multitude of short-com- 
ings, and to render the man beloved if the Minister were 
not appreciated. His death made room for his nephew, 
the last, and, as yet, the greatest minister of the Nizam 

His Excellency the Nuwab Soojah-ood-Dowlah, Mook- Mook- 
tiieeae-ool-Moolk Salar Jung Bahadoor, the present SoX" 001 
Dewan, is familiarly known as the Nuwab Saheeb. His 
family name is Meer Torab Alee. He received the title 
of Salar Jnng before holding office ; his other titles — 
adjuncts to the former — Soojah-ood-Dowlah, Mook- 
theear-ool-Moolk, were conferred upon him by the present 
sovereign, Ufzool-ood-Dowlah, after the rebellion of 1857. 
Salar Jung (for I must in the text preserve the title by 
which he is known to Europeans) was born on the 2nd 



chap. January, 1829. His father was Mahomrned Alee, the son 



of Mooneer-ool-Moolk, by the Saheeb Begum, a daughter 
of Meer Allum, and his mother a daughter of Kauzim 
Mooik. Alee Khan, all noblemen of the Nizam's court ; his pa- 
ternal grandparents, moreover, having successively been 
premiers along with his uncle, his immediate predecessor 
in office. 

The reader will be interested to know the way in which 
Salar Jung daily disposes of official business. Early in the 
morning his attention is directed to the disposal of corres- 
pondence with the British Besident, after which he pro- 
ceeds into the hall of audience, and receives the salutations 
of the inferior officers, &c., of the State — a ceremony 
which generally does not occupy more than a quarter of 
an hour, and precedes the breakfast meal. After break- 
fast the Dewan gives audience to the officers presiding 
over the different departments of his household, and 
inspects his private accounts. Noon has soon arrived, 
and the Government mutsuddees, or accountants in the 
civil and military departments, present their accounts and 
make their reports. From this time until four in the 
afternoon he gives private audiences to such as have 
business with him, and to those with whom he may have 
business. When this is over the higher classes of persons 
attend what may be called a levee. At sunset he takes 
exercise either on horseback or on foot in his garden. 
After evening prayers he audits the accounts of the 
State, and thence proceeds to dinner. The labours of 
the day only close with receiving petitions from the 
department appointed to receive them, when he issues 
his orders in regard to them by an endorsement, and re- 
tires to sleep near midnight. 

Salar Jung seemingly takes pleasure in scarcely any- 
thing, as he is occupied wholly by public affairs. He is 



fond of riding, and of English society in a quiet way — chap 
not conviviaUy, as his uncle was, for he never touches ^ — , — 
wine, and is otherwise very abstemious in the enjoy- fheear-oc 
ments of the table. His attachment for profane learning Mooik. 
is singular in a Mahommedan, whose leanings are gene- 
rally towards theology ; but, it is said, his English asso- 
ciations have placed him far above the learning of the 
East. The main feature of his character is beneficence ; 
he is truth himself, and if he does not detest falsehood 
in others, it is because he sees scarcely any man free 
from that vice. He is not false, nor treacherous, nor 
mean. He ill-uses no man. He is so little covetous of 
acquiring wealth for the State by the sequestration of 
property — when by the practice of his Government it 
becomes an escheat in part or in whole — that he does not 
avail himself of the right, and is censured for his neglect of 
a means by which he might remove a part, though a small 
part, of his difficulties. The wrong in his character is 
excessive lenity ; he will not punish criminals adequately, 
and his justice halts. It is variously imputed to Salar 
Jung that he is obstructed from doing justice by the 
interposition of the Nizam and his friends — that he dis- 
trusts his courts of justice, and fears that in carrying out 
their sentences he may be doing an unwarranted injury ; 
it is also said that he fears to carry out an order in a 
civil suit against influential persons, lest he should add 
another to the ranks of his enemies. His police is bad, 
but it has been worse. Of him it may be fairly said that 
he has brought amelioration and improvement to all 
conditions and departments. 

Salar Jung is married to a daughter of Fukhur-ool- 
Mooik, a nobleman connected with the family of Meer 
Allum by marriage. He has a daughter, an infant, living ; 
his firstborn, also a daughter, he has lost. 







Salar Jung's personal estates are Koseguee, Abdoola- 
poor, Saheebnuggur,Eaegueree,andPindeeala, yielding an 
annual revenue of 55,000 rupees. The estates, the reve- 
nues of which are appointed for the pay of troops, &c, 
for the maintenance of his dignity as a high nobleman 
of the State, yielding an annual revenue of near four 
lakhs of rupees, are Moortezzapoor, Durreapoor, Bablee, 
Manna, Mungloor, chota and burra. 

Mooktheear-ool-Moolk's manners are graceful ; his con- 
versation, if easy, is sensible ; and though he appears 
to have no reserve, his discretion is never at fault. He 
is quick of apprehension, and easily understands a new 
view of a subject, but seldom gives up his own. His 
fidelity towards the sovereign is a sentiment strongly im- 
pressed upon his mind. If his master's ill-treatment of 
him has not effaced it, the continuance of this feeling 
now, if not a mania, must be looked upon as a high test 
of his virtue — in fact a passion. What is remarkable in 
his demeanour is that though he gives the utmost free- 
dom to conversation, and is in no way expressive, no 
man — one instance excepted — has yet been known to 
take a liberty with him. 

No native of India has deserved more at the hands of 
the British Government ; and the period is not remote 
when it will render due honour to the man of all others 
who, from his position and ability together, saved the 
honour of his own country, and so largely contributed to 
prevent the impending ruin of the English name during 
the rebeUion of 1857. 

The present Peishcar is Nurreendhur Purshad, Eaja 
Nurreendhur, son of Eaja Bala Purshad, and grandson of 
Eaja Chundoo Lall. He is reputed to be wealthy, but is 
not held in any great public estimation. 




The year 1746 was a dark one for the interests of chap. 
the English East India Company on the eastern side v- VI Y IL -. 
of the peninsula of India. The question about to be diSitiL. 
raised was not of commercial profit or loss, but of poli- 
tical influence ; and it took fifteen years to determine 
the supremacy of one of the two European powers both 
then struggling for ascendancy. The mutual declarations 
of war made by France and England in 1744 were now 
being felt at their distant settlements in the East. 

Madras had been the chief factory of the English on 
the Coromandel Ccftast for upwards of a century, and in 
territorial extent consisted of a seaboard of five miles, and 
a mile landward. From that factory England used to 
import the description of bleached cloth known by the 
name of maddapollam, now so extensively manufactured 
in Great Britain and exported to India. On this eastern 
coast, too, at this very time, Clive was fired with military 
ardour, participated in the various sieges and exploits 
which then occurred, and opened that career of renown 
which, in 1756, made him the conqueror on the battle- 
field of Plassey. 

The French point oVappui was the little well-known 
settlement of Pondicherry, still as strictly Parisian in its 



chap, characteristics as more than a hundred years ago of the 
^ — <— time that I write. France had now sent her best sons — 
Sfficuities. the brave and gallant Labourdonnais, together with the 
ambitious and diplomatic Dupleix. 

Madras capitulated on the 20th September, 1746, to 
Labourdonnais, after five days' bombardment ; and the 
talent of Dupleix improved the occasion to make all the 
Indian princes our enemies. In 1749 general peace had 
been determined in Europe by the Treaty of Aix-la- 
Chapelle, when the French Government agreed to re- 
store Madras ; and accordingly it was delivered up to the 
English in August of that year. 

Lally and Bussy followed their distinguished country- 
men. Bussy, by both ability and force of character, gave 
the French a high name. On the occasion of a capitu- 
lation he promised to respect the property of individuals ; 
and we have the testimony of Orme that " he kept his. 
word with the utmost liberality ; resigning, without dis- 
cussion, whatsoever property any one claimed as his 
own." This wonderful man exercised such influence 
over Moozuffir Jung, when upon the musnud of the 
Deccan, as to prompt that prince, in 1753, during his 
brief sovereignty of a few months, to enter into an 
engagement to subsidise a body of troops from the 
French to be retained under his command, for the pay- 
ment of which were assigned the Northern Circars. This 
was the first subsidiary treaty made by a native of India 
with a European power. Bussy commanded great respect 
among these people. In 1758, when Salabat Jung, his 
two brothers, Bazalut Jung and Nizam Alee, and the 
Peishwa, had each his army before Aurungabad, "the 
presence of Bussy, most unexpectedly made, with his 
handful of Europeans, imposed respect upon them all," 



and every eye was fixed upon his movements." In 1758, chap 

when obliged, under Lally's orders, to leave the Nizam's < 

dominions, " the Soobehdar, when too well assured of its J^X< 
ominous reality, took his leave of Bussy in an agony of 
grief and despair." Had the policy initiated and directed 
with such rare ability by M. Bussy been maintained, 
there might have been a different result. 

I have already alluded to the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle. 
By that treaty " there was peace between the English and 
French crowns ; but there arose between the English and 
French companies trading to the East, a war most event- 
ful and important — a war in which the prize was nothing 
less than the magnificent inheritance of the house of 

To a right apprehension of this subject, it is necessary 
now to take a view of the condition of India at this 
time, and of the position of its several rulers, toge- 
ther with the relation and situation of the French and 
English respectively and towards each other ; nor can I 
do better than quote the brilliant language of Lord 
Macaulay : — 

" The empire which Baber and his Moguls reared in 
the sixteenth century was long one of the most exten- 
sive and splendid in the world. In no European king- 
dom was so large a population subject to a single prince, 
or so large a revenue poured into the treasury. The 
beauty and magnificence of the buildings erected by the 
sovereigns of Hindoosthan amazed even travellers who 
had seen St. Peter's. The innumerable retinues and 
gorgeous decorations which surrounded the throne of 
Delhi dazzled even eyes which were accustomed to the 
pomp of Versailles. Some of the great viceroys who 
held their posts by virtue of commissions from the 

VOL. I. M 


THE NIZAM'S connection with 

chap. Mogul, ruled as many subjects as the King of France or 
y- Vm '— the Emperor of Germany. Even the deputies of these 
difficulties deputies might well rank, as to extent of territory and 
amount of revenue, with the Grand Duke of Tuscany or 
the Elector of Saxony. 

" There can be little doubt that this great empire, 
powerful and prosperous as it appears on a superficial 
view, was yet, even in its best days, far worse governed 
than the worst-governed parts of Europe now are. The 
administration was tainted with all the vices of Oriental 
despotism, and with all the vices inseparable from the 
domination of race over race. The conflicting preten- 
sions of the princes of the royal house produced a long 
series of crimes and public disasters. Ambitious lieu- 
tenants of the sovereign sometimes aspired to independ- 
ence. Fierce tribes of Hindoos, impatient of a foreign 
yoke, frequently withheld tribute, repelled the armies of 
the Government from the mountain fastnesses, and poured 
down in arms on the cultivated plains. In spite, how- 
ever, of much constant maladministration, in spite of 
occasional convulsions which shook the whole frame of 
society, this great monarchy on the whole retained, 
during some generations, an outward appearance of 
unity, majesty, and energy. But throughout the long 
reign of Aurungzebe, the State, notwithstanding all that I 
the vigour and policy of the prince could effect, was 
hastening to dissolution. After his death, which took 
place in the year 1707, the ruin was fearfully rapid. ' 
Violent shocks from without co-operated with an incurable 
decay which w T as fast proceeding within ; and in a few 
" years the empire had undergone utter decomposition. 

" The history of the successors of Theodosius bears no 
small analogy to that of the successors of Aurungzebe. 







But perhaps the fall of the Carlovingians furnishes the chap. 
nearest parallel to the fall of the Moguls. Charlemagne ; — r— 
was scarcely interred, when the imbecility and the disputes 
of his descendants began to bring contempt on themselves 
and destruction on their subjects. The wide dominion of 
the Franks was severed into a thousand pieces. Nothing 
more than a nominal dignity was left to the abject heirs 
of an illustrious name — Charles the Bald, and Charles the 
Fat, and Charles the Simple. Fierce invaders, differing 
from each other in race, language, and religion, nocked, 
as if by concert, from the farthest corners of the earth, to 
plunder provinces which the Government could no longer 
defend. The pirates of the Northern Sea extended their^ 
ravages from the Elbe to the Pyrenees, and at length fixed 
their seat in the rich valley of the Seine. The Hungarian, 
in whom the trembling monks fancied that they recognised 
the Gog or Magog of prophecy, carried back the plunder 
of the cities of Lombardy to the depth of the Pannonian 
forests. The Saracen ruled in Sicily, desolated the fertile 
plains of Campania, and spread terror even to the walls of 
Borne. In the midst of these sufferings, a great internal 
change passed upon the empire. The corruption of death 
began to ferment into new forms of life. While the great 
body, as a whole, was torpid and passive, every separate 
member began to feel with a sense, and to move with an 
energy all its own. Just here, in the most barren and 
dreary tract of European history, all feudal privileges, all 
modem nobility take their source. It is to this point that 
we trace the power of those princes who, nominally vassals, 
but really independent, long governed with the titles of 
dukes, marquesses, and counts, almost every part of the 
dominions which had obeyed Charlemagne. 

" Such, or nearly such, was the change which passed on 

M 2 





the Mogul Empire during the forty years which followed 
the death of Aurungzebe. A succession of nominal sove- 
reigns, sunk in indolence and debauchery, sauntered away 
life in secluded palaces, chewing bang, fondling concubines, 
and hstening to buffoons. A succession of ferocious in- 
vaders descended through the western passes, to prey on 
the defenceless wealth of Hincloosthan. A Persian con- 
queror crossed the Indus, marched through the gates of 
Delhi, and bore away in triumph those treasures of which 
the magnificence had astounded Eoe and Bernier, — the 
Peacock-throne, on which the richest jewels of Golconda 
had been disposed by the most skilful hands of Europe ; 
and the inestimable Mountain of Light*, which, after many 
strange vicissitudes, lately shone in the bracelet of Eunjeet 
Sing, and is now destined to adorn the hideous idol of 
Orissa. The Affghan soon followed, to complete the work 
of devastation which the Persian had begun. The warlike 
tribes of Eajpootana threw off the Moosulman yoke. A 
band of mercenary soldiers occupied Eohilcund. The 
Seikhs ruled on the Indus. The Jauts spread dismay along 
the Jumna. The highlands which border on the western 
sea-coast of India poured forth a yet more formidable race, 
a race which was long the terror of every native power, 
and which, after many desperate and doubtful struggles, 
yielded only to the fortune and genius of England. It 
was under the reign of Aurungzebe that this wild clan of 
plunderers first descended from their mountains, and soon 
after his death every corner of his wide empire learned to 
tremble at the mighty name of the Mahrattas. Many 
fertile vice-royalties were entirely subdued by them. Their 

* The Koh-ee-Noor has since this toria, and known a vicissitude of 
was written become the property of another nature, in having been di- 
our gracious Sovereign, Queen Vic- vided and otherwise improved. 



dominions stretched across the Peninsula from sea to sea. chap. 
Mahratta captains reigned at Poona, at Gwalior, in Goo- 
zerat, in Berar, and in Tanjore. For did they, though ^Es. 
they had become great sovereigns, therefore cease to be 
freebooters. They still retained the predatory habits of 
their forefathers. Every region which was not subject to 
their rule was wasted by their incursions. Wherever their 
kettle-drums were heard, the peasant threw his bag of rice 
on his shoulder, hid his small savings in his girdle, and 
fled with his wife and children to the mountains or the 
jungles, to the milder neighbourhood of the hysena and 
the tiger. Many provinces redeemed their harvests by 
the payment of an annual ransom. Even the wretched 
phantom who still bore the imperial title stooped to pay 
this ignominious black mail. The camp-fires of one rapa- 
cious leader were seen from the walls of the palace of 
Delhi. Another, at the head of his innumerable cavalry, 
descended year after year on the rice-fields of Bengal. 
Even the European factors trembled for their magazines. 
Less than a hundred years ago, it was thought necessary 
to fortify Calcutta against the horsemen of Berar, and the 
name of 6 the Mahratta ditch ' still preserves the memory 
of the danger. 

" Wherever the viceroys of the Mogul retained authority 
they became sovereigns. They might still acknowledge 
in words the superiority of the house of Tamerlane, as a 
Count of Flanders or a Duke of Burgundy might have ac- 
knowledged the superiority of the most helpless driveller 
among the later Carlovingians. They might occasionally 
send to their titular sovereign ' a complimentary present, 
or solicit from him a title of honour. In truth, however, 
they were no longer lieutenants removable at pleasure, 

M 3 



chap, but independent hereditary princes. In this way origin- 

* r— ' ated those great Moosuhnan houses which formerly ruled 

difficulties. Bengal and the Carnatic, and those which still, though in 
a state of vassalage, exercise some of the powers of royalty 
at Lucknow and Hyderabad. 

" In what was this confusion to end ? Was the strife to 
continue during centuries ? W as it to terminate in the 
rise of another great monarchy ? Was the Moosuhnan 
or the Mahratta to be the lord of India ? Was another 
Baber to descend from the mountains and to lead the 
hardy tribes of Cabool and Khorasan against a wealthier 
and less war-like race ? None of these events seemed 
improbable. But scarcely any man, however sagacious, 
would have thought it possible that a trading company, 
separated from India by 15,000 miles of sea, and pos- 
sessing in India only a few acres for purposes of com- 
merce, would, in less than a hundred years, spread its 
empire from Cape Comorin to the eternal snow of the 
Himalayas ; would compel Mahratta and Mahommedan to 
forget their mutual feuds in common subjection ; would 
tame down even those wild races which had resisted the 
most powerful of the Moguls ; and, having united under 
its laws a hundred millions of subjects, would carry its 
victorious arms far to the east of the Burrampooter, and 
far to the west of the Hydaspes ; dictate terms of peace 
at the gates of Ava, and seat its vassal on the throne of 

" The man who first saw that it was possible to found 
an European empire on the ruins of the Mogul monarchy 
was Dupleix. His restless, capacious, and inventive mind 
had formed this scheme at a time when the ablest servants 
of the English Company were busied only about invoices 
and bills of lading. Nor had he only proposed to himself 



the end. He also had a just and distinct view of the means chap 


by which it was to be attained. He clearly saw that the • ,— 

greatest force which the princes of India could bring into ^^ies 
the field would be no match for a small body of men 
trained in the discipline and guided by the tactics of the 
West. He also saw that the natives of India might, under 
European commanders, be formed into armies, such as 
Saxe or Frederic would be proud to command. He was 
perfectly aware that the most easy and convenient way 
in which an European adventurer could exercise sove- 
reignty in India, was to govern the motions, and to speak 
through the mouth of some glittering puppet dignified by 
the title of Nuwab or Mzam. The arts both of war and 
policy, which a few years later were employed with such 
signal success by the English, were first understood and 
practised by this ingenious and aspiring Frenchman. 

" The situation of India was such that scarcely any ag- 
gression could be without a pretext, either in old laws or 
recent practice. All rights were in a state of utter un- 
certainty ; and the Europeans who took part in the dis- 
putes of the natives confounded the confusion, by applying 
to Asiatic politics the public law of the West and analogies 
drawn from the feudal system. If it was convenient to 
treat a Nuwab as an independent prince, there was an 
excellent plea for doing so. He was independent in fact. 
If it was convenient to treat him as a mere deputy of the 
Court of Delhi, there was no difficulty ; for he was so in 
theory. If it was convenient to consider his office as an 
hereditary dignity, or as a dignity held only during the 
good pleasure of the Mogul, arguments and precedents 
might be found for every one of those views. The party 
who had the heir of Baber in their hands represented him 
as the undoubted, the legitimate, the absolute sovereign, 

M 4 

168 THE nizam's connection with 

chap, whom all subordinate authorities were bound to obey. 


v_^_L^ The party against whom his name was used did not want 
SffiSes P^ aus ^ e pretexts for maintaining that the empire was 
de facto dissolved, and that, though it might be decent 
to treat the Mogul with respect, as a venerable relic of an 
order of things which had passed away, it was absurd to 
regard him as the real master of Hindoosthan. 

" In the year 1784 died one of the most powerful of the 
new masters of India, the great Nizam-ool-Moolk, Vice- 
roy of the Deccan. His authority descended to his son, 
Naseer Jung. Of the provinces subject to this high func- 
tionary, the Carnatic was the wealthiest and the most 
extensive. It was governed by an ancient Nuwab, whose 
name the English corrupted into Anaverdy Khan. 

" But there were pretenders to the government both of 
the viceroyalty and of the subordinate province. Moo- 
zuffir Jung, a grandson of Mzam-ool-Moolk, appeared as 
the competitor of Naseer Jung. Chunda Sahib, son-in-law 
of a former Nuwab of the Carnatic, disputed the title of 
Anaverdy Khan. In the unsettled state of Indian law it 
was easy for both Moozuffir Jung and Chunda Sahib to 
make out something like a claim of right. In a society 
altogether disorganised, they had no difficulty in finding 
greedy adventurers to follow their standards. They 
united their interests, invaded the Carnatic, and applied 
for assistance to the French, whose fame had been raised 
by their success against the English in the recent war on 
the coast of Coromandel. 

" Nothing could have happened more pleasing to the 
subtle and ambitious Dupleix. To make a Nuwab of the 
Carnatic, to make a viceroy of the Deccan, to rule under 
their names the whole of Southern India ; this was 
indeed an attractive prospect. He allied himself with 



the pretenders, and sent 400 French soldiers and 2000 char 
sepoys, disciplined after the European fashion, to the - — * — ' 
assistance of his confederates. A battle was fought ; the Acuities. 
French distinguished themselves greatly. Anaverdy Khan 
was defeated and slain. His son, Mahomnied Alee, who 
was afterwards well known in England as the Nuwab of 
Arcot, and who owes to the eloquence of Burke a most 
unenviable immortality, fled with a scanty remnant of his 
army to Trichinopoly, and the conquerors became at once 
masters of almost every part of the Carnatic. 

" This was but the beginning of the greatness of Dupleix 
After some months of fighting, negotiation, and intrigue, 
his ability and good fortune seemed to have prevailed 
everywhere. Naseer Jung perished by the hands of his 
own followers ; -Moozuffir Jung was master of the Deccan, 
and the triumph of French arms and French policy was 
complete. At Pondicherry all was exultation and fes- 
tivity. Salutes were fired from the batteries, and Te 
Deum sung in the churches. The new Mzam came 
thither to visit his allies, and the ceremony of his instal- 
lation was performed there with great pomp. Dupleix, 
dressed in the garb worn by Mahommedans of the highest 
rank, entered the town in the same palanquin with the 
Nizam, and, in the pageant which followed, took prece- 
dence of all the court. He was declared Governor of 
India from the river Krishna to Cape Comorin, a country 
about as large as France, with authority superior ^ even 
to that of Chunda Sahib ! He was intrusted with the 
command of 7000 cavalry. It was announced that no 
mint would be suffered to exist in the Carnatic except 
that at Pondicherry. A large portion of the treasures 
which former Viceroys of the Deccan had accumulated 
found its way into the coffers of the French Governor. 



chap. It was rumoured that he had received 200,000/. sterling 
■>- V /'-^ in money, besides many valuable jewels. In fact there, 
Acuities com ^ scarcely be any limit to his gains. He now ruled 
thirty millions of people with almost absolute power. No 
honour or emolument could be obtained from the Go- 
vernment but by his intervention. No petition, unless 
signed by him, was perused by the Nizam. 

"Moozufhr Jung survived his elevation only a few 
months. But another prince of the same house was 
raised to the throne by French influence, and ratified all 
the promises of his predecessor. Dupleix was now the 
greatest potentate in India. His countrymen boasted that 
his name was mentioned with awe even in the cham- 
bers of the palace of Delhi. The native population looked 
with amazement on the progress which, in the short 
space of four years, an European adventurer had made 
towards dominion in Asia. Nor was the vain-glorious 
Frenchman content with the reality of power. He loved 
to display his greatness with arrogant ostentation before 
the eyes of his subjects and of his rivals. Near the spot 
where his policy had obtained its chief triumph, by the 
fall of Naseer Jung and the elevation of Moozumr, he 
determined to erect a column, on the four sides of which 
four pompous inscriptions, in four languages, should pro- 
claim his glory to all the nations of the East. Medals 
stamped with emblems of his successes were buried 
beneath the foundations of this stately pillar, and around 
it arose a town bearing the haughty name of Dupleix 
Futtehabad, which is, being interpreted, the city of the 
victory of Dupleix. 

" The English had made some feeble and irresolute at- 
tempts to stop the rapid and brilliant career of the rival 
Company, and continued to recognise Mahommed Alee 



as Nuwab of the Carnatic. But the dominions of Mahom- chap. 
med Alee consisted of Trichinopoly alone, and Trichino- 
poly was now invested by Chunda Sahib and his French 
auxiliaries. To raise the siege seemed impossible. The 
small force which was then at Madras had no commander. 
Major Lawrence had returned to England, and not a 
single officer of established character remained in the 
settlement. The natives had learned to look with con- 
tempt on the mighty nation which was soon to conquer 
and to rule them. They had seen the French colours 
flying on Fort St. George ; they had seen the chiefs of 
the English factory led' in triumph through the streets of 
Pondicherry; they had seen the arms and counsels of 
Dupleix everywhere successful, while the opposition 
which the authorities of Madras had made to his progress 
had served only to expose their own weakness and to 
heighten his glory. At this moment the valour and 
genius of an obscure English youth suddenly turned the 
tide of fortune. 

" Clive was now twenty-five years old. After hesitating 
for some time between a military and a commercial life, 
he had at length been placed in a post which partook of 
both characters, that of commissary to the troops, with 
the rank of Captain. The present emergency called forth 
all his powers. He represented to his superiors that un- 
less some vigorous effort were made, Trichinopoly would 
fall, the house of Anaverdy Khan would perish, and the 
French would become the real masters of the whole 
peninsula of India. It was absolutely necessary to strike 
some daring blow. If an attack were made on Arcot, 
the capital of the Carnatic, and the favourite residence of 
the Nuwabs, it was not impossible that the siege of 
Trichinopoly would be raised. The heads of the English 



chap, settlement, now thoroughly alarmed by the success of 

« - Dupleix, and apprehensive that, in the event of a new war 

difficulties, between France and Great Britain, Madras would be 
instantly taken and destroyed, approved of Olive's plan, 
and intrusted the execution of it to himself. The young 
captain was put at the head of 200 English soldiers and 
300 sepoys armed and disciplined after the European 
fashion. Of the eight officers who commanded this little 
force under him, only two had ever been in action, and 
four of the eight were factors of the Company, whom 
Olive's example had induced to offer their services. The 
weather was stormy ; but Clive pushed on through 
thunder, lightning, and rain, to the gates of Arcot. The 
garrison, in a panic, evacuated the fort, and the English 
entered it without a blow. 

" But Clive well knew that he should not be suffered 
to retain undisturbed possession of his conquest. He in- 
stantly began to collect provisions, to throw up works 
and to make preparations for sustaining a siege. The 
garrison which had fled at his approach had now re- 
covered from its dismay, and having been swollen by 
large reinforcements from the neighbourhood to a force 
of 3000 men, encamped close to the town. At dead 
of night Clive marched out of the fort, attacked the 
camp by surprise, slew great numbers, dispersed the rest, 
and returned to his quarters without having lost a single 

" The intelligence of these events was soon carried to 
Chunda Sahib, who, with his French allies, was besieging 
Trichinopoly. He immediately detached 4000 men 
from his camp and sent them to Arcot. They were 
speedily joined by the remains of the force which Clive 
had lately scattered. They were further strengthened by 



2000 men from Vellore, and by a still more important chap. 
reinforcement of 150 French soldiers whom Dupleix v. VI * L - 
despatched from Pondicherry. The whole of this army, aiffiSie 
amounting to about 10,000 men, was under the com- 
mand of Kaja Sahib, son of Chunda Sahib. 

" Eaja Sahib proceeded to invest the fort of Arcot, 
which seemed quite incapable of sustaining a siege. The 
walls were ruinous, the ditches dry, the ramparts too 
narrow to admit the guns, the battlements too low 
to protect the soldiers. The little garrison had been 
greatly reduced by casualties. It now consisted of 120 
Europeans and 200 sepoys. Only four officers were 
left ; the stock of provisions was scanty ; and the com- 
mander, who had to conduct the defence under circum- 
stances so discouraging, was a young man of five and 
twenty, who had been bred a book-keeper. 

"During fifty days the siege went on. During fifty 
days the young captain maintained the defence with a 
firmness, vigilance, and ability, which would have done 
honour to the oldest marshal in Europe. The breach, 
however, increased day by day. The garrison began to 
feel the pressure of hunger. Under such circumstances, 
any troops so scantily provided with officers might have 
been expected to show signs of insubordination ; and 
the danger was peculiarly great in a force composed of 
men differing widely from each other in extraction, 
colour, language, manners, and religion. But the de- 
votion of the little band to its chief surpassed anything 
that is related of the Tenth Legion of Caesar, or of the 
Old Guard of Napoleon. The sepoys came to Clive, not 
to complain of their scanty fare, but to propose that all 
the grain should be given to the Europeans, who required 
more nourishment than the natives of Asia. The thin 



chap, gruel, they said, which was strained away from the rice, 
— r— ^ would suffice for themselves. History contains no more 
difficulties, touching instance of military fidelity, or of the influence 
of a commanding mind. 

"An attempt made by the Government of Madras to 
relieve the place had failed. But there was hope from J 
another quarter. A body of six thousand Mahrattas, half 
soldiers, half robbers, under the command of a chief 
named Moraree Eao, had been hired to assist Mahommed 
Alee, but thinking the French power irresistible, and the 
triumph of Chunda Sahib certain, they had hitherto 
remained inactive on the frontiers of the Carnatic. The 
fame of the defence of Arcot roused them from their 
torpor. Moraree Eao declared that he had never before 
believed that Englishmen could fight, but that he would 
willingly help them, since he saw that they had spirit to 
help themselves. Eaja Sahib learned that the Mahrattas 
were in motion. It was necessary for him to be expe- 
ditious. He first tried negotiation. He offered large 
bribes to Clive, which were rejected with scorn. He 
vowed that if his proposals were not accepted, he would 
instantly storm the fort, and put every man in it to the 
sword. Clive told him, in reply, with characteristic 
haughtiness, that his father was an usurper, that his army 
was a rabble, and that he would do well to think twice 
before he sent poltroons into a breach defended by 
English soldiers. 

"Eaja Sahib determined to storm the fort. The day 
was well suited to a bold military enterprise. It was 
the great Mahommeclan Festival which is sacred to the 
memory of Hoosain, the son of Alee. The history of 
Islam contains nothing more touching than the event 
which gave rise to that solemnity. The mournful legend 



relates how the Chief of the Fatimites, when all his brave chap. 
followers had perished round him, drank his latest ^I^ 13 ^ 
draught of water, and uttered his latest prayer, how the ^E^, 
assassins carried his head in triumph, how the tyrant 
smote the lifeless lips with his staff, and how a few old 
men recollected with tears that they had seen those hps 
pressed to the hps of the Prophet of God. After the 
lapse of near twelve centuries, the recurrence of this 
solemn season excites the fiercest and saddest emotions 
in the bosoms of the devout Mooslim of India. They 
work themselves up to such agonies of rage and lamen- 
tation, that some, it is said, have given up the ghost, from 
the mere effect of mental excitement. They believe that 
whoever, during this festival, falls in arms against the 
infidels, atones by his death for all the sins of his life, - 
and passes at once to the garden of the Iiouris. It was 
at this time that Eaja Sahib determined to assault Arcot. 
Stimulating drugs were employed to aid the effect of 
religious zeal, and the besiegers, drunk with enthusiasm, 
drunk with bang, rushed furiously to the attack. 

" Clive had received secret intelligence of the design, 
had made his arrangements, and, exhausted by fatigue, 
had thrown himself on his bed. He was awakened by 
the alarm, and was instantly at his post. The enemy 
advanced, driving before them elephants, whose foreheads 
were armed with iron plates. It was expected that the 
gates would yield to the shock of these living battering- 
rams. But the huge beasts no sooner felt the English 
musket balls, than they turned round, and rushed 
furiously away, trampling on the multitude which had 
urged them forward. A raft was launched on the water, 
which filled one part of the ditch. Clive perceiving that 
his gunners at that post did not understand their business, 



chap, took the management of a piece of artillery himself, and I 


cleared the raft in a few minutes. Where the moat was - 
difficulties. dry, the assailants mounted with great boldness ; but they 
were received with a fire so heavy, and so well directed, 
that it soon quelled the courage even of fanaticism and of • 
intoxication. The rear ranks of the English kept the 
front ranks supplied with a constant succession of loaded 
muskets, and every shot told on the living mass below. 
After three desperate onsets, the besiegers retired behind 
the ditch. 

" The struggle lasted about an hour. Four hundred of 
the assailants fell. The garrison lost only five or six men. 
The besieged passed an anxious night, looking for a re- 
newal of the attack. But when day broke the enemy 
were no more to be seen. They had retired, leaving to the 
English several guns and a large quantity of ammunition. 

" The news was received at Fort St. George with 
transports of joy and pride. Clive was justly regarded 
as a man equal to any command. Two hundred En- 
glish soldiers and 700 sepoys were sent to him, and 
with this force he instantly commenced offensive opera- 
tions. He took the fort of Timery, effected a junction 
with a division of Moraree Kao's army, and hastened, by 
forced marches, to attack Eaja Sahib, who was at the head 
of about 5000 men, of whom 300 were French. The 
action was sharp, but Clive gained a complete victory. 
The military chest of Eaja Sahib fell into the hands of 
the conquerors. Six hundred sepoys, who had served in 
the enemy's army, came over to Clive's quarters, and 
were taken into the British service. Conjeveram surren- 
dered without a blow. The Governor of Arnee deserted 
Chunda Sahib, and recognised the title of Mahommed 



" Had the entire direction of the war been intrusted to chap. 
Clive, it would probably have been brought to a speedy >- VI T n l 
close. But the timidity and incapacity which appeared f^Se 
in all the movements of the English, except where he was 
personally present, protracted the struggle. The Mah- 
rattas muttered that his soldiers were of a different race 
from the British whom they found elsewhere. The effect 
of this languor was that in no long time Eaja Sahib, at 
the head of a considerable army, in which were 400 
French troops, appeared almost under the guns of Fort 
St. George, and laid waste the villas and gardens of 
the gentlemen of the English settlement. But he was 
again encountered and defeated by Clive. More than a 
hundred of the French were killed or taken, a loss more 
serious than that of thousands of natives. The victorious 
army marched from the field of battle to Fort St. David. 
On the road lay the city of the victory of Dupleix, and 
the stately monument which was designed to comme- 
morate the triumphs of France in the East. Clive ordered 
both the city and the monument to be rased to the ground. 
He was induced, we believe, to take this step, not by per- 
sonal or national malevolence, but by a just and profound 
policy. The town and its pompous name, the pillar and 
its vaunting inscriptions, were among the devices by which 
Dupleix had laid the public mind of India under a spell. 
This spell it was Clive's business to break. The natives 
had been taught that France was confessedly the first 
power in Europe, and that the English did not presume 
to dispute her supremacy. ISTo measure could be more 
effectual for the removing of this delusion than the public 
and solemn demolition of the French trophies." * 

* Macaulay's Essays, i. 494 et seq, 



chap, Not very many years after (in 1759) the Council of 


Bengal had received alarming accounts of the state of 
difficult Madras, an( l °f that council Oolonel Clive was now pre- 
sident. Olive was determined upon sending troops to 
Madras ; the council were opposed to the measure as 
being too vigorous ; but Clive not the less undertook the 
expedition against the Northern Circars, contrary to the 
inclinations of his whole council. He fitted and despatched 
an armament consisting of 500 Europeans, 2000 sepoys, 
100 lascars, with six field-pieces, six battery cannons, one 
howitzer, and one eight-inch mortar, under the command of 
Colonel Forde. On the 20th October, 1759, Forde disem- 
barked at Vizagapatam, and some days after he gave battle 
to the French, under M. Conflans, at Eajahmundry, com- 
pletely routing them. He followed up this victory by pro- 
ceeding on toMasulipatam and attacking the French in their 
stronghold there. Colonel Forde had from " three batteries 
continued a hot fire on three different parts of the town 
from the 25th March to the 6th April, when the situa- 
tion of the English began to wear a very threatening 
aspect. Salabut Jung, Soobehdar of the Deccan, was 
approaching ; the French army of observation had re- 
taken Eajahmundry and might effect a junction with the 
Soobehdar ; it was impossible for the English to retreat 
by the way which they had come, or even to embark at 
Masulipatam with their cannon and heavy stores ; the 
monsoon had begun ; the reinforcement from Pondicherry 
(for the French) was expected ; -and, to crown all, the 
engineers reported that no more than two days' ammuni- 
tion for the batteries remained unconsumed. In these 
circumstances, however apparently desperate, Colonel 
Forde resolved to try the chance of an assault. The 
batteries were directed to play with the utmost activity 



during the whole of the day, and the troops to be under chap. 
arms at ten at night. The attack, in order to divide the >- VI I IL - 
attention of the enemy and render uncertain the point of 
danger, was to be in three places at once ; and the three % 
divisions of the army were to be on their respective 
grounds exactly at midnight. The struggle was expected 
to be severe, from the superior numbers of the enemy and 
the little damage which the works had sustained. A part 
of the army faltered considerably, nor did all the officers 
meet the danger with perfect composure. They got, 
however, within the walls with comparative ease, where, 
being met by superior forces, they might have paid dear 
for their temerity, had not surprise aided their arms, and 
had not M. Conflans, confounded by uncertainty and by 
various exaggerated reports, after a short resistance sur- 
rendered the place." 

I take this description verbatim et literatim from 
Mill, who has adopted the accounts given by Orme and 
Wilks, not so much to show the becoming dash of a 
protege of Give, nor Olive's foresight in character in the 
selection of Forde, nor yet his better knowledge of cir- 
cumstances about this part of the country from his own 
early history in acting against his council, but especially 
as to the sequel — that it formed the basis of our subse- 
quent long connection with the Nizam of the Deccan. 
The Soobehdar, whose arrival had been anticipated but a 
very few days by the fall of Masulipatam, found himself 
in circumstances but ill calculated to carry on by himself 
a war against the English. He was anxious, on the other 
hand, being now deprived of the French, to cultivate a 
friends] iip with the English, and to obtain from them a 
body of troops to protect him against the dangerous am- 
bition of his brother, Nizam Alee, who, since the departure 

N 2 



chap, of Bussy, had returned at the head of a considerable body 
\' r + of troops, and filled him with serious alarm. Colonel 
difficui^es ^orde repaired to his camp, where he was received with 
great distinction, and concluded a treaty, " by which a con- 
siderable territory about Masulipatam was ceded to the 
English, and the Soobehdar engaged to allow no French 
settlement for the future to exist in his dominions." * 

In a previous chapter I have already shown how Salabut 
Jung was imprisoned, and not long afterwards murdered, 
by order of his brother, Nizam Alee, who assumed the 
sovereignty of the Deccan upon hearing that by the Treaty 
of Paris, concluded on the 10th February 5 1763, Salabut 
Jung was acknowledged as the Soobehdar of the Deccan. 

On his voyage out to India in 1765, Lord Clive called 
at Madras, which, though not unusual in those times for 
Indiamen bound for Calcutta to do, is specially noticed, 
inasmuch as he intimated at Madras the advantage of 
possessing the whole line of coast which joined the 
English territories in the Carnatic to those in Bengal, 
and it suggested to him the importance of obtain- 
ing it on permanent terms. The country known as the 
Northern Circars fell within the government of the Nizam, 
and was managed by a deputy or commissioner of his ap- 
pointment. After the expulsion of the French by the 
English, the authority of the Mzam was more nominal 
than real. " The English," according to Mill, " held pos- 
session of their factories and forts ; the rajas and polee- 
gars assumed a species of independence, Salabut Jung 
had offered it to Mahommed Alee at the time of his 
quarrel with Bussy at Hyderabad, and Nizam Alee him- 
self had proposed to surrender it to the English, on the 

* Mill's British India, iii. 169, 1st ed. 



condition of military assistance against Hyder Alee and chap. 
the Mahrattas." vJ™L 
A firman was accordingly solicited and obtained of the f. l S op ^ n 

° J t difficulties 

Emperor Shah Allum, by which, as far as the formality of 
this sanction could extend, the Northern Circars were 
freed from their dependence upon the Nizam and bestowed 
upon the English. This, however, was nothing extraor- 
dinary for those times ; for though the Nizam had thrown 
off suzerainty to the Great Mogul, as he was wont to be 
called, and as our playing cards still represent him, every 
Nizam as he mounted the musnud went through the 
ceremony of getting the Mogul to confirm his position, 
and the force was carried out to the extent of the em- 
perors being recognised on the obverse of coins, the re- 
verse of which bore the Nizam's appellation. 

To resume the narrative of events from Mill. " To take 
possession of the Circars in their new and independent 
footing, General Calliaud marched with the English troops 
in the Carnatic, and on the part of the rajas and poleegars 
found little opposition to subdue. The Nizam or Soo- 
behdar was at that time engaged in the country of Barad, 
making head against the Mahrattas. But he no sooner 
heard of the operations of the English than he proceeded 
with great expedition to Hyderabad, and to avenge him- 
self for the usurpation, as it appeared to him, of an im- 
portant part of his dominions, made preparations for 
the invasion of the Carnatic. The Presidency (Madras 
Council), whom their pecuniary weakness rendered timid, 
were alarmed at the prospect of a war with the Soobeh- 
dar, and sent orders to Calliaud to hasten to Hyderabad 
with full powers to negotiate a peace. A treaty was con- 
cluded on the 12th November, 1766, by which the Com- 
pany agreed to pay to the Nizam an annual tribute of five 

H 3 

182 THE nizam's connection with 

chap, lakhs of rupees for the three Circars of Kajahmundry, 

« r— ' Ellore, and Moostephanuggur, and for those of Chicacole 

Sfficuities. anc ^ Murtizanagur two lakhs each, as soon as they were 
definitively placed in their hands. Murtizanagur, com- 
monly called Guntoor, had been assigned as a jagheer to 
Bazalut^ Jung, and the East India Company were pleased 
to suspend their occupation of it so long as Bazalut Jung 
should live, or so long as he should remain a faithful sub- 
ject to Nizam Alee. They further engaged to hold a body 
of troops in readiness to settle in everything right and 
proper the affairs of his Highness's government. And 
they gave him a present of five lakhs of rupees, which 
the Nuwab of the Carnatic was ordered to find money to 

"This treaty," continues Mill, "has been severely 
condemned. But the Presidency were not mistaken in 
regard to their own pecuniary difficulties, though they 
probably over-estimated the power of the Mzam, whose 
unpaid and mutinous troops the money which he received 
by the treaty scarcely enabled him for a short time to 
appease. The most imprudent article of the agreement 
was that which stipulated for the Nizam the assistance of 
English troops, because this had an evident tendency to 
embroil, and in the event did actually embroil, them with 
other powers. The exploit in which they were first to 
be employed, the reduction of the fort of Bangalore, was 
not, it is probable, disliked by the Presidency, because 
they were already upon hostile terms with Hyder Alee, to 
whom it belonged. The Nizam, however, after availing 
himself of the assistance of the British troops in collect- 
ing the tribute from the poleegars, on his march listened 
to the overture of Hyder, who was too eminent a master 
in the arts of intrigue to let slip an opportunity of divid- 



ing his enemies. The Nizam concluded with him a treaty c **^ : 
of alliance, in consequence of which they united their * 
forces at Bangalore, and in August 1767 they began to difficulties, 
make incursions into the Carnatic. 

With this ally Hyder Alee, the Mysorean, commenced 
his first war with the English, who by their delay in 
action were wearing out his patience and energy. Nizam 
Alee, either from inclination or necessity, had begun to 
make overtures to the British commander, who would not 
enter upon any negotiation unless Nizam Alee separated 
his troops from those of Hyder. " In the meantime the 
period of operations returned ; the English commander, 
now respectably reinforced, marched towards the enemy, 
who in the month of December had taken the field on 
the further side of Yellore. The two armies met and 
came to action between Amboor and Wanumbaddy, when 
Hyder and his ally were defeated and fled to Cavery- 
patnam. This disaster quickened the decision of the 
Nizam, who now lost not any time in separating his 
troops from the Mysoreans and commencing his negotia- 
tions with the English. A treaty was concluded between 
the Soobehdar, the Nuwab of the Carnatic, and the 
English, on the 26th February, 1768, by which the titles 
of the Nuwab and the grants which he had received were 
confirmed ; the former conditions respecting the Northern 
Circars were renewed ; the dewanee, or revenues, in other 
words, the government of Carnatic Balghaut, a country pos- 
sessed by Hyder, was in name consigned to the English, 
subject to a payment of seven lakhs of rupees per annum 
to the Nizam, and the tribute or chout to the Mahrattas ; 
the English agreed to assist the Nizam with two battalions 
of sepoys and six pieces of cannon as often as required ; 
and the tribute due to the Nizam for the Circars was 

N 4 



chap, reduced from nine lakhs perpetual to seven lakhs per 

— * annum for the space of six years." 
Acuities ^ tms j uncture ? when it was as much as the English 
could do to hold their own, besides combating one foe, it 
appears little short of Providential interposition to find 
the English gain the ascendancy with narrow means, few 
men, and upon hostile ground, where, had defeat ensued, 
not a soul would have been spared to tell the tale. Yet 
in the face of these facts the Directors of the East India 
House wrote to the Council at Madras : — " With respect 
to the Nizam and Hyder Alee, it is our interest that 
neither of them should be totally crushed," — as if this 
were at all practicable.* 

In the treaties concluded with Nizam Alee respect- 
ing the Northern Circars in 1766 and 1768, it was 
arranged that Guntoor, one of the five Circars, should 
be granted in jagheer to Bazalut Jung, his brother, 
to be enjoyed by that prince during his life, or so 
long as the Nizam should be satisfied with his conduct ; 
and upon the expiration of the interest of the Bazalut 
Jung, to revert to the British Government. About the 
latter end of the year 1774 the Governor in Council 
were informed, by letters from the Chief of Masuhpatam, 
that a body of French troops under the command of 
M. Lally were retained in the service of Bazalut Jung, and 
received reinforcements and stores by the port of Moota- 
pilly. The Madras Government held the affair of suffi- 
cient importance to communicate with the Supreme 
Council of Bengal on the propriety of using measures to 

* I point this out specially, sim- spot, and with a view to prevent the 
ply to show how difficult it is to absurd errors of past times being re- 
judge at a distance of circumstances peated. 
that can only be determined on the 



procure the removal of the French from the territories of chap. 
Bazalut Jung. >- VI T n - 

The Council authorised the Madras Government not f^^tie' 
only to insist with Bazalut Jung upon their immediate 
dismissal, but to prepare a body of troops, for marching 
to his frontiers, and to threaten him " that they would 
take possession of his country and negotiate with the 
Nizam, even by an entire renunciation of the revenues for 
the cession of it to the Company." It was deemed advis- 
able to treat Avith the Nizam as principal in the Treaty of 
1768 and a party to every agreement between the Com- 
pany and Bazalut Jung, and they desired his co-operation 
for compelling his brother either, first, to dismiss the Eu- 
ropeans from his service, and trust to the English the de- 
fence of Guntoor which was their own ; or, secondly, to 
let that Circar to them at a rent determined by amicable 
valuation. The Mzam replied in friendly terms, declar- 
ing that he had sent a person of distinction to procure the 
removal of the French from the service of his brother, and 
that " every article of the treaty should remain fixed to 
a hair's breadth." From the date of these transactions, 
which extended to the beginning of the year 1776, 
though several representations had been received of the 
continuance of the French in the territory of the Bazalut 
Jung, no ulterior measures were adopted by the Supreme 
Council until the 10th July, 1778, when the President 
and Select Committee entered a minute expressing a con- 
viction of danger from the presence, in such a situation, of 
such a body of men. 

A negotiation through the medium of the Nuwab of 
Carnatic, without the intervention of the Mzam, was 
commenced with Bazalut Jung. That prince was now 
alarmed with the prospect presented by the probable de- 



ohar s jg ns £ Hyder Alee, and well disposed to quiet his 
' apprehensions by the benefit of English protection. On 
dSZs. the 30 th November the President presented to the 
Council a proposal tendered by Bazalut Jung, in which 
that prince agreed to cede the Guntoor district for a 
certain annual payment, to dismiss the French from his 
service and to accept the engagements of the English to 
afford him troops for the defence of his country. On 
the 27th January, 1779, when the treaty was concluded 
with Bazalut Jung, it was thought expedient to send to the 
court of the Mzam a Eesident, who should ascertain as, 
far as possible the views of that prince and his connection 
with the Indian powers or the French, obviate any fa- 
vourable impressions which he might have received, and 
transact any business to which the relations of the two 
states might give birth. And on the 19th April a force 
under General Harper was ordered to proceed to the 
protection of the territory of Bazalut Jung. 

In the contest with the Mahrattas, in which, at the 
presidencies of Bengal and Bombay, the English were 
engaged, the Mzam had expressed a desire to remain 
neutral ; though he had frankly declared his hatred of 
Eagoba and his connection by treaty with Pundit Pur- 
dhan, the infant Peishwa, that is, with the prevailing party 
of the Poona Council, and though an alliance with the 
Berar Government had been attempted by the Supreme 
Council on the condition of recovery for that government 
some countries which had been wrested from it by the 
Soobehdar of the Deccan. When Mr. Hollond, who was 
sent as President by the Madras Government, arrived at 
Hyderabad, the capital of the Nizam, on the 6th April, 
1779, he was received with every mark of respect and 
with the strongest assurance of a desire to cultivate the 



friendship of the English. But when at his audience chap. 
the Eesident proceeded to explain the transactions which, s_ vl ; IL _ 
without the participation of the Nizam, had taken place 
between the East India Company and his brother, the 
painful emotions of his Highness were visible ; he read 
over the articles of the Treaty of 1768, affirmed that it 
was violated by the conduct of the British Government, 
disavowed the right of the English to interfere in the 
concerns of his family, declared that, if the treaty was to 
be regarded, the troops which without his leave were 
about to march into the country possessed by Bazalut 
Jung, a dependant of the Soobah, ought to be stopped ; if 
the treatv was not to be regarded, he should be con- 
strained to oppose them. To the apology, urged by Mr. 
Hollond, that the probability of an immediate attack by 
Hyder Alee did not leave sufficient time for consulting him, 
the Nizam replied that Hyder had no immediate intention 
to molest his brother, but was meditating a speedy attack 
upon the Carnatic, to be conducted, like the former inva- 
sion of that province, by plundering and burning, while he 
avoided a battle. The Nizam was jealous of a British 
force with Bazalut Jung, who, with such assistance, he 
doubted not, would soon aspire at independence. The 
French troops he had taken into his own service imme- 
diately after they were dismissed by his brother ; but he 
assured the British Eesident that he had adopted this ex- 
pedient solely to prevent them from passing into the 
service of Hyder or the Mahrattas ; and described them 
as of little value, the wreck of the army of Bussy aug- 
mented by persons of all nations. This was a contingency 
which iu their eagerness to see the French discharged by 
Bazalut Jung, the Madras Government had somewhat 
overlooked. It was no doubt true, as they alleged, that 


chap, had the Nizam consulted the friendship of the English, 

» r-^ he would have ordered the French troops to the coast, 

dfficuities. whence, with other prisoners, they might have been sent 
on their passage to Europe. 

In the Select Committee on the 5th June, it was pro- 
posed by the Governor, and agreed, that the peshcush, or 
tribute, of five lakhs of rupees, which the East India Com- 
pany were bound by their treaty to pay in compromise for 
possession of the Northern Circars, the Nizam should be 
solicited to remit. The payment of it had already been 
suspended for two years, partly on the pretence that the 
French troops were not dismissed, partly on account of the 
exhausted state of their finances. When this proposal was 
announced by Mr. Hollond to the Nizam, he became highly 
agitated, and declared his conviction that the English no 
longer meant to observe the treaty ; for which reason he 
also must prepare for war. 

Mr. Hollond, who had received instructions to commu- 
nicate with the Supreme Council, conveyed intelligence of 
these transactions to Bengal by sending, on the 3rd Sep- 
tember, copies of the letters which had passed between 
him and the Madras Government. On the 25th October, 
the subject was taken into consideration at Calcutta, 
when the proceedings of the Madras Presidency in forming 
a treaty with Bazalut Jung without the interposition of 
his immediate sovereign, the Company's ally, and in with- 
holding the payment and proposing the abolition of the 
peshcush, underwent the most severe condemnation, as 
tending to impeach the character of the English for jus- 
tice and faith, and to raise them up a formidable enemy, 
when they were already exposed to unusual difficulties 
and dangers. It was agreed that the case demanded the 
interference of the Home authorities ; and a letter was 



written, on the 1st November, 1779, to assure the Nizam chap. 
that the intentions of the English Government were truly „ VI * L _, 
pacific, notwithstanding the interpretation which he put 
upon the proceedings of the Council of Madras. Mr. Hol- 
lond was directed to suspend his negotiations till he should 
receive further instructions from his own Presidency. 
Letters were also written to that Presidency, acquainting 
them, in terms studiously inoffensive and mild, with the 
aberrations which it appeared to the Supreme Council 
that they had made from the line of propriety and pru- 
dence. The Nizam declared the highest satisfaction with 
the friendly assurances which the Supreme Council had 
expressed. But their interference excited the highest in- 
dignation and resentment in the Council of Madras. On 
the 30th December, a minute was entered by Sir Thomas 
Kmnbold, the President, in which he treats the censure 
which had been passed on their conduct as undeserved, 
and its language unbecoming, denies the right of the 
Supreme Council thus to interfere in the transactions of 
another Presidency, and argues that their controlling power 
extended to the conclusion alone of a treaty, not to the 
intermediate negotiation ; he turns the attack upon the 
Bengal Presidency, and enters into a severe investigation of 
the policy and conduct of the Mahratta War, which in 
every particular he condemns. This it was which had 
alienated the mind of the Soobehdar, not the regulation 
with his brother, or the proposed remission of the pesh- 
cush. The retention of a peshcush offended not the con- 
science of the Bengal Presidency when themselves were 
the gainers, the unfortunate Emperor of India the sufferer, 
and when it was a peshcush stipulated and secured by 
treaty for the most important grants. In terms of nearly 
the same import the letter was couched in which the 



chap. Presidency of Madras returned an answer to that of Bengal, 


— r and along with which they transmitted the minute of their 

European p r pq;/|pnt 

difficulties, president. 

The Presidency of Madras had not only taken Guntoor 
on lease from Bazalut Jung, they had also transferred it 
on a lease of ten years to the ISTuwab of Arcot, — though 
well aware how little the Directors of the East India Com- 
pany were pleased with his mode of exaction, either in 
their jagheer or in his own dominions. 

The measure of the Madras Councillors' offences in the 
eyes of the Directors was now sufficiently full. In their 
letter of the 10th January, 1781, after passing the se- 
verest censure upon the abolition of the Committee of 
Circuit, and the proceedings with the zumeendars of the 
five Northern Circars, in the treaty with Bazalut Jung, 
the transactions with the Mzam, and the lease of Guntoor 
to the Nuwab, they dismiss from their service Sir Tho- 
mas Eumbold, president, John Hill and Peter Perring, 
members of their Council of Fort St. George ; deprive of 
their seat in Council Mr. Smith and Mr. Johnson, and 
express their strongest displeasure against the commander 
of their forces, Sir Hector Munro.* 

I have, however, overlooked the proceedings in Ben- 
gal, in anticipating the decision of the Home authorities 
in this matter. " The Madras Presidency, offended with 
the interference of the Supreme Council in their nego- 
tiation with the Soobehdar and with their own envoy, 
Mr. Hollond, as an instrument in that interference, re- 
solved that he should be recalled. The Supreme Council, 
being made acquainted with that resolution by Mr. Hol- 
lond, and apprehending a greater estrangement of the 

* Mill's British India, ii, 471 et seq. 



mind of the Nizam by so abrupt a conclusion of the chap. 


correspondence with the East India Company, came to . 

an opinion, on the 14th February, 1780, that advantage 
would arise from appointing a person to represent them- 
selves at the Nizam's court ; and to obviate the appear- 
ance of disunion between the Presidencies, they made 
application to the Governor and Council of Madras, 
whose servant Mr. Hollond more immediately was, for 
their permission to vest that gentleman with the office ; 
and in the meantime directed him to remain with the 
Nizam till the answer of the Presidency was obtained. 
The offended minds of the Presidency, not satisfied with 
the recall of Mr. Hollond, which had not produced an 
immediate effect, suspended him from their service. The 
Supreme Council, now freed from their delicacy in em- 
ploying the servant of another presidency, appointed 
Mr. Hollond immediately to represent them at the court 
of the Soobehdar. They transmitted also their com- 
mands to the Governor and Council of Madras, under 
date the 12th June, 1780, to make restitution of the 
Circar of Guntoor. No step, however, had as yet been 
taken in the execution of that measure by the Govern- 
ment of Madras ; and this the Governor-General repre- 
sented as conduct which demanded the most serious 
consideration, and the decided interposition of the Sove- 
reign Board." Immediately afterwards, Sir George Eyre 
Coote was sent to Madras with the decree of the Supreme 
Council suspending Sir Thomas Eumbold from office as 
Governor of Fort St. George, which was carried into 
effect by the majority of the Madras Council recognising 
the decree on the 7th November, 1780. 




chap. Among the instructions with which Lord Cornwallis was 


> - furnished for his government in India, he carried out 

dimities. W ^ nml explicit orders to demand from the Nizam the 
surrender of the Guntoor Circar. Bazalut Jung had died 
in November* 17 82 ; but Nizam Alee retained possession 
of the Circar, and the English had withheld the payment 
of the peshcush. Upon the arrival of Lord Cornwallis 
in India, he was deterred from obeying immediately the 
peremptory orders of his European masters with regard 
to the surrender of Guntoor, on account of the advan- 
tage which it appeared that a dispute with the Nizam 
might lend to the ambition of Tippoo Sooltan, and the 
apprehension which was entertained of a rupture with 
France. In the year 1788, however, the prospect of 
uninterrupted peace with France, the great addition to 
the English military strength expected in the course of 
the season, and the general position of the other powers 
in India, presented the appearance of as favourable an 
opportunity for making the demand as any which was 
regarded as sufficiently probable to form a rational basis 
of action. Immediately after the return of Tippoo from 
the siege of Mangalore, and the conclusion of his treaty 
with the English in 1784, he set up against the Nizam a 


demand for Beejapoor. About the same time a dispute chap. 

arose between Tippoo and the Poona ministers, respecting * 

the part of those acquisitions from the Mahratta territory ^°{^ 
which had been made by Hyder during the Peishwaship 
of Eagoba. These circumstances, together with the 
jealousy, if not the fears, which the power and character 
of Tippoo inspired into these neighbouring chiefs, pro- 
duced a connection between them, in consequence of 
which a junction was formed between a Poona and 
Hyderabad army in the beginning of the year 1786. 
The terms of reprobation in which Englishmen in 
India were accustomed to speak of the peace of 1784, 
led the Poona ministers, according to the opinion of 
Colonel Wilks, to expect that the English would take 
part in this confederacy against Mysore ; Shd he is not 
w T ell pleased with Lord Cornwallis, who lost no time in 
letting them know that no project of an alliance, or any 
other measure of an aggressive nature, would be enter- 
tained by his nation. After a year of warning, attended 
by no considerable result, Tippoo and his enemies were 
both weary of the contest. A peace was concluded on 
terms not very favourable to the Sooltan, who was alarmed 
at the progressive accumulation of the instruments of 
war in the hands of the English, and desirous of an 
interval to settle his dominions in the coast of Malabar. 
In these circumstances, Lord Cornwallis was under no 
apprehension of a union between Tippoo and the Mah- 
rattas ; he thought it by no means probable that, without 
the prospect of alliance with the French, he would 
provoke the dangers of an English war ; and he con- 
cluded with some assurance that with the support of 
Tippoo alone, the Nizam would not hazard the fate of 
resistance. Still, though not probable, it was by no 
vol. l. o 



chap, means impossible that a connection subsisted, or might in 
« — r- — - consequence of this requisition be formed between the 
difficulties. Nizam and Tippoo ; which, " no doubt," says the Gover- 
nor-General, " would bring on a war calamitous to the 
Carnatic, and distressing to the East India Company's 
affairs." Yet, if ever the claim upon the Guntoor 
Circar was to be enforced, the time was now arrived ; 
and with regard to the result, should war ensue, it was, 
in the opinion of this ruler, impossible that for one 
moment a doubt could be entertained. 

The resolution being taken, the execution was skilfully 
planned. Captain Kennaway, a gentleman whose address 
was supposed well calculated to soften what might appear 
offensive in his commission, was sent to the court of the 
Mzarn, instructed to employ conciliatory language, and 
to show the utmost liberality in regard to every other 
point in regard to which adjustment was required. No 
intimation was to be given to the Mzam of the proposed 
demand, and till after the arrival of Captain Kennaway at 
his court. At the same time instructions were sent to the 
Eesidents at the several durbahs of the Peishwa, Scindia, 
and the Eaja of Berar, to give to these powers a full 
explanation of the proceedings before intelligence of it 
could reach them from any other source. The Government 
of Madras, under specious pretences, conveyed a body of 
troops to the neighbourhood of the Circar, and held 
themselves in readiness to seize the territory before any 
other power could interpose, either with arms or remon- 

Captain Kennaway was yet on his journey to Hydera- 
bad, when the following letter from the Governor-General 
dated 3rd July, 1788, went after him by despatch : — 

« Sm 9 — I have this instant received advice from Sir 



Archibald Campbell that the Eaja of Chericha has actually chap. 
commenced hostilities on the ' Company's possessions at — 
TeUicherry, by order from Tippoo. Sir Archibald ap- ^SS SS 
pears likewise to be decidedly of opinion that Tippoo 
will immediately attack the Eaja of Travancore. This 
may, however, I think, be doubtful. Unless this alarm 
be blown over previous to your arrival at Hyderabad, 
of which you cannot fail of having certain information, 
you will of course recollect that part of your instruc- 
tions, and instead of declaring the real object of your 
mission, confine yourself to the general expressions of 
friendship, and assurances of our earnest desire to culti- 
vate a good understanding between the two governments." 

The situation of the Mzam was such, that he regarded 
himself as having more to hope and less to apprehend 
from a connection with the English, than with either of 
the other powers which bordered upon his dominions. 
Greatly inferior to either the Mahrattas or Tippoo, he 
was ever in dread of being swallowed up by one or other 
of these formidable neighbours, and was no doubt pro- 
tected from that destiny by the assistance which, in case 
of an attack from one, he was more than likely to receive 
from the other. An alliance with one of those powers 
threatened hostility with the other. An alliance with 
the English, though disagreeable to both, would not, he 
concluded, be able, with pretensions irreconcilable as 
theirs, to unite them for his destruction ; while the effect 
of it would be to lessen his dependence upon both. 
Under the influence of these views — possibly, too, attach- 
ing no great value to the possession of Guntoor, which, 
under the bad arrangement of his renters, had yielded 
little revenue — the Nizam manifested an unexpected 

o 2 

196 THE nizam's connection with 

chap, readiness to comply with the Company's demands ; and 

« r— - without even waiting for a decision upon the other points 

diSties. wmcn were t0 be adjusted between them, he surrendered 
the Circar in September 1788. The settlement of the 
arrears of the peshcush, which the Company had forborne 
to pay, and the set-off which was constituted by the 
revenue of the Guntoor Circar, from the time of the 
death of Bazalut Jung, occasioned some difficulty and 
delay. To remove these difficulties, but more with a 
view to prevail upon the Governor-General to form with 
him at least a defensive alliance, which would raise him 
above his fears from Tippoo and the Mahrattas, he sent 
his confidential minister to Calcutta. A few amicable 
conferences sufficed to produce an adjustment of the 
pecuniary claims. But with regard to the formation of 
new and more comprehensive ties between the two 
governments, the English ruler was restrained by two 
powerful considerations. In the first place, they were 
forbidden by Act of Parliament ; and in the next place, 
they could not fail to excite the jealousy and displeasure 
of the Mahrattas, whose friendship he was desirous to 

The expedient which suggested itself to the British 
Indian Government as happily calculated to answer all 
purposes, was to profess the continued existence of the 
old Treaty of 1768, in which the Mysorean and Mahratta 
Governments, as well as the English at home, had so long 
acquiesced, and to give to the clauses such an extent of 

* Colonel Wilks says, that at the English, or as a further security, does 
same time with this embassy to the not appear. Tippoo prepared the ad- 
English Government, the Nizam sent junct of a matrimonial connection 
one to Tippoo, to prepare an alliance between the families ; but this act, 
offensive and defensive j whether to not suiting the family pride of the 
supersede the agreement with the Nizam, broke off the negotiation. 



meaning as would satisfy the inevitable demands of the chap. 
Nizam. To the clause in that treaty in which it was * — 
engaged that English troops, to the amount of two bat- 
talions of sepoys, and six pieces of cannon manned by 
Europeans, should be lent to the Nizam, were annexed 
the words : whenever the necessity of the Company's 
affairs would permit It was now agreed that these 
words should mean, whenever the Nizam should think 
proper to apply for them; under one limitation, that they 
shoidd not be employed against the Company's allies, 
among whom were enumerated the Mahratta Chiefs, the 
Nuwabs of Oude and Arcot, and the Raja of Travancore 
and Tanjore. Of the Treaty of 1768, one memorable 
article related to the transfer to the Company' of the 
Carnatic Balaghaut ; an article which, if the ancient 
treaty were binding, still continued in force. The pro- 
position of the Nizam that measures should now be taken 
for carrying this engagement into effect, the Governor- 
General was obliged to elude, by observing that the 
lapse of time, by the alteration of the circumstances, 
had not left that part of the agreement on the same 
foundation in which it originally stood, and that the 
English were bound in a treaty of peace with the prince 
whose territory it actually went to dismember ; "But," said 
his Lordship, " should it hereafter happen that the Com- 
pany should obtain possession of the country mentioned 
in these articles with your Highness's assistance, they will 
strictly perform the stipulations in favour of your Highness 
and the Mahrattas." 

" The desire of not offending," says Sir John Malcolm, 
" against the letter of the Act of Parliament, would appear 
on this occasion to have led to a trespass on its spirit. 
Two treaties had been concluded subsequently to the 

o 3 



chap. Treaty of 1768, between Hyder Alee Khan and the British 


Government ; and the latter State had concluded a treaty 
Ifficufties. °f P eace w i tn his son Tippoo Sooltan in 1784, by which 
it had fully recognised his right of sovereignty to the 
territories which he possessed. And assuredly, under 
such circumstances, the revival with any modification of 
an offensive alliance, (for such the Treaty of 1768 undoubt- 
edly was,) could not but alarm that prince." 

Sir John Malcolm proceeds : " Nor was that alarm likely 
to be dispelled by that qualification in the engagement 
which provided that no immediate operation should be 
undertaken against his dominions, as the expression by 
which that qualification was followed showed that the 
eventual execution of those articles, which went to divest 
him of his territories, was not deemed an improbable or at 
least an impossible occurrence by the contracting powers. 
Another part of this engagement which appeared calcu- 
lated to excite apprehension in the mind of Tippoo was 
the stipulations which regarded the employment of the 
subsidiary force granted to the Mzam, which was made 
discretional with the exception of not acting against some 
specified prince and chiefs among whom he was not 

Sir John Malcolm wrote under the strongest impression 
of the hostile designs of Tippoo, and of the wisdom and 
virtue of Lord Cornwallis, yet he makes the following 
severe reflection, — " that the liberal construction of the 
restrictions of the Act of Parliament had, upon this occa- 
sion, the effect of making the Governor-General pursue a 
course which was perhaps not only questionable in point 
of faith, but which must have been more offensive to 
Tippoo Sooltan, and more calculated to produce a war 
with that prince, than an avowed contract of a defensive 



engagement, framed for the express and legitimate pur- chap. 
pose of limiting his inordinate ambition." . _ I3 p _ 

On the 24th December, 1789, Tippoo Sooltan having; ?. u ™P ea . n 

. " difficultief 

attacked the lines of our ally, the Eaja of Travancore, the 
intelligence was at once communicated by the Madras to 
the Bengal Presidency, who on the very next day issued 
instructions to the Government of Madras ; those to the 
Eesident at the court of the Nizam were dated the next 
day, the 28th January, 1790. u The actual commence- 
ment of hostilities relieved Lord Cornwallis from all re- 
straint with regard to new connections ; and it was now 
his part to solicit from the Nizam an alliance, which, a 
few months before, that prince would have received as the 
greatest of favours. The resident was instructed to expose 
in the strongest colours the faithless and rapacious charac- 
ter of Tippoo ; to raise in the minds of the Nizam and his 
ministers as high a conception as possible of the advan- 
tages of an intimate connection with the English ; to 
promise him a full participation in the fruits of victory, 
and a mutual guarantee of their respective dominions 
against the ambition and hatred of Tippoo. 

" The chief difficulty in this negotiation arose from the 
violent apprehensions of the Nizam with respect to the 
Mahrattas. To such a degree was lie impressed with an 
opinion of the villany of that nation, and of their determi- 
nation to rob him of his dominions, whenever an oppor- 
tunity should occur, that he desired the English Eesident 
to inform him, if the Peishwa should invade his kingdom 
while his army was absent co-operating with the English, 
what measures in that case the English Government would 
pursue, and lie displayed intense reluctance to spare any 
portion of his own forces from his own defence, without 
an article for the unlimited guarantee of his country. 





But the Governor ■ General, who was anxious for the 
alliance of the Mahrattas, and reckoned them " the people 
whose friendship was of by far the greatest value " in the 
contest with Tippoo, was careful not to give umbrage 
to the Poona rulers by appearing to raise a barrier against 
their ambitious desires. 

The instructions to the Eesident at Poona were of the 
same description. 

Sir John Shore succeeded Lord Cornwallis. " The first 
important circumstance which solicited the attention of 
the new Governor-General, was the appearance of an 
approaching rupture between two of the late confederates 
— the Mzam and the Mahrattas. The views, upon one 
another, of these two states had undergone no permanent 
alteration from the union to which the desire of sharing 
in the spoils of Tippoo had given that a temporary exist- 
ence. Intervening circumstances had nearly matured into 
acts their inimical designs. 

" The treaty of alliance, offensive and defensive, between 
the English, the Mzam, and the Mahrattas, included a 
mutual guarantee against the common object of their 
hatred and their apprehensions, the sovereign of Mysore. 
This guarantee Lord Cornwallis appears to have thought 
of great importance for English security. It follows that 
he must have expected greater benefit from the co-opera- 
tion of the Mzam and Mahrattas in case of an attack, than 
mischief from entanglement in the wars to which the tur- 
bulent politics of these native states would certainly give 
occasion. The mode in which the contracting parties 
were to act, in accomplishing the objects of the guarantee, 
was left in the treaty concluded previous to the war to 
be settled by subsequent regulation. So much had the 
Governor-General this affair of the guarantee at heart, 



that he endeavoured, as soon after the war as possible, to chap. 
secure it by an express treaty devoted to that particular — 
object. It was, however, to be an extraordinary treaty ; Acuities, 
for Lord Cornwallis, not being altogether without fore- 
sight of the evils likely to abound from an obligation to 
take a part in the wars which the Nizam and Mahrattas 
might kindle, was for inserting an article by which the 
allies were not to assist one another, except just when 
they pleased ; or, as he chose to express it, 6 until they 
were convinced that the party requiring assistance had 
justice on his side, and all measures of conciliation had 
proved fruitless. ' 

" A draft of a treaty, to this effect, was transmitted to 
the Courts of Hyderabad and Poona. The Nizam, though 
fully sensible that the English alone stood between him 
and destruction, was yet encouraged to the hope of draw- 
ing his profit out of the eagerness for this treaty which 
the Governor-General displayed. A dispute had already 
sprang up between him and Tippoo Sooltan. The Nuwab 
of Kurnool was the dependant of the Nizam. On that 
chief Tippoo was urging claims which the Nizam con- 
tested. When solicited on the subject of the treaty, the 
Nizam demanded, as the price of his consent, the support 
of the English in the affair with Tippoo. This behaviour 
the English, who knew their advantages, treated' as a 
crime, and expressed so much of anger that the Nizam 
was eager to redeem his offence by unlimited complai- 

On the other side again : " The Mahrattas were jealous 
of the enlarged and growing power of the English. They 
were impatient to reap the spoils of the feeble Nizam ; an 
acquisition to which the connection of that prince with the 
English they regarded as the only obstruction. Sciridia, 



chap, whose power had been so greatly increased, now exerted 

• r- — - a decisive influence on the Mahratta councils, and enter- 

SfficSties tame d designs of future grandeur with which the ascend- 
ancy, or rather the existence of the English in India was 
altogether incompatible. He was not solicitous to dis- 
guise his hatred of the connection between them and the 
Nizam, or the satisfaction with which he regarded the 
power of Tippoo, as a counterpoise to the still more 
formidable power of the English. 

"After a negotiation of more than a year, the accession 
of the Mahrattas to the union, so fondly projected by 
Lord Cornwallis, was regarded as hopeless. The Nizam, 
who saw in their aversion to the proposed engagements a 
design of holding themselves at liberty to fall upon him, 
was kindled to an ardent pursuit of the guarantee, and 
urged upon the English Government the propriety of con- 
cluding the treaty singly with him, as it could be no 
reason, because a third party swerved from its engage- 
ments, that the other two should abandon theirs. It 
entered, however, into the policy of Sir John Shore to 
avoid whatever could excite the jealousy of the Mahrattas. 
The English Government accordingly declared its satisfac- 
tion with the verbal acquiescence of the Nizam ; and on 
the part of the Mahrattas, with a promise incidentally 
given, that they would act agreeably to existing treaties. 

" The Nizam became at last so much impressed with 
the prospect of the dangers around him, that, on the 1st 
January, 1794, Sir John Kennaway, the English Eesident 
at Hyderabad, described him to the Governor-General as 
prepared to form, with the English, engagements which 
would render them masters of his country for ever ; and 
urged the wisdom of not allowing so favourable an 
opportunity to escape. 



" The course into which the Mahrattas had been guided, chap. 
by impulse of the circumstances in which they were « — 
placed, very highly favoured the extension of their domi- J^^, 
nion, by gradual encroachments upon the slothful and 
improvident governments of India. Enabled from the 
nature of their country and their state of society to exer- 
cise with advantage a continual war of depredation against 
the surrounding states, they were often bribed to for- 
bearance by those who could find no other security 
against their ravages. The terms of this agreement came 
at last to be fixed at a fourth part of the revenues of the 
country which they consented to spare. This was an 
opening at which the stronger party generally found the 
means of introducing whatever was required for the final 
subjugation of the country. 

" The fourth part of the revenues was always a disputed 
sum ; and as the Mahrattas endeavoured to make it ap- 
pear to be greater than it really was, the government of 
the country endeavoured to make it less. Nothing is ever 
paid by an Indian government so long as it can help it ; 
least of all, an odious tribute. The Mahratta chout, there- 
fore, was seldom paid, except by the terror of a Mahratta 
army ; and by consequence it was almost always in arrear. 
Under the pretension of security against imposition and 
delay in the receipt of the chout, the Mahrattas as often 
as possible insisted upon sending their own officers into 
the country to collect it. This gave them a power of in- 
terference in every measure of the Government, and the 
support of a body of partisans, who, exercising the powers 
of Indian tax-gatherers, were masters of the property, and 
to a great degree of the person, of every man subject to 
their exactions. 

" The dominions of the Nizam had long sustained the 





Mahratta chout ; and previous to the connection which 
was formed between the Hyderabad Government and 
Lord Cornwallis, the Mahrattas exercised so great an au- 
thority in his country, that the Minister of the Mzam was 
more attentive to the wishes of the Mahrattas than the 
commands of his master. During the necessity of exer- 
tion against Tippoo, and the union formed for his sub- 
jugation, the Mahrattas had yielded to a temporary 
relaxation of their influence over the country of the 
Mzam. But they now intended to resume it with im- 
provements ; and a long arrear of chout afforded the 
pretext for interference. 

" The English Government offered its mediation. The 
ready acceptance of the Mzam was not a matter of doubt. 
The Mahrattas employed evasion ; and as soon as they 
were convinced that the interposition of the Governor- 
General would certainly not be with arms, they treated 
his mediating proposition with frigid indifference. 

" A circumstance calculated to alarm the English Govern- 
ment occurred. Tippoo Sooltan had an army in the field, 
and either intended, or under terror was suspected of in- 
tending, a confederacy with the Mahrattas for the subju- 
gation of the Mzam. The question was, what course it 
now behoved the English Government to pursue. 

" By the Treaty of Alliance, it might be urged, the Mzam 
was entitled to the assistance of the English against Tip- 
poo ; and so little were they released from their engage- 
ment by the infidelity of the Mahrattas, that they were 
rather bound to compel them to fulfil the conditions of a 
treaty, of which the parties were implied guarantees. 
Besides, the Mzam had declared that his accession to the 
alliance against Tippoo was founded, not upon any con- 
fidence which lie could place in Mahratta, but on that 



alone which he reposed in English faith. Eeceiving him chap. 
into the alliance upon this declaration was a virtual pledge . — 
that the protection to which he looked from the English 
was not to depend upon that security which he expressly 
rejected — to make it depend upon that security was 
therefore a breach of engagement. At the time when the 
Nizam, confiding in the security of English protection, took 
part with the English, the value attached to his alliance 
was such that it would have been purchased with eager- 
ness at the expense of an engagement offensive and de- 
fensive with himself. If the Nizam, being attacked by 
Tippoo, would have been entitled to assistance from the 
English if defended by the Mahrattas, was his title less 
when about to be attacked by Tippoo with the Mahrattas 
conjoined ? Such a disappointment in hopes on which 
he had staked the very existence of his throne could not 
do less than ensure to the English the enmity of the 
Nizam. Nor could the English abandon him without the 
appearance at once of weakness and infidelity ; without 
descending from that high station in which they now 
overawed the princes of India, as well by the terror of 
their arms as the purity of their faith. 

" Considerations presented themselves of an opposite 
tendency. If the co-operation of all the parties in a 
treaty were necessary to the attainment of its end and 
the defection of any one of them rendered the attainment 
of the end no longer possible, the defection of one dis- 
solved, of course, the obligation of all. Again, the treaty 
of alliance between the English, the Nizam, and the 
Mahrattas, bound the parties not to assist the enemies of 
one another. In the case, therefore, of a war between 
any two of the parties, the third could not interfere. In 
such a case the neutrality of the third party was that 


chap, which the terms of the treaty expressly required. If the 
>_ friendship of the Nizam would be lost, if the opinion 
^Sities wn ^ cn prevailed of English power and of the tenacity of 
English engagements should endure a slight and tem- 
porary diminution, war was beyond comparison a greater 
evil. It was impossible for anybody to suppose that a 
war against Tippoo and the Mahrattas would be easily 
sustained. And as the revenue of the East India 
Company was confessedly unequal to the expenditure of 
war, a protracted contest was to be regarded as pregnant 
with ruin. Even the destruction of the Nizam could not 
be considered as adding to the dangers of the English, 
since, after subverting that power, the Mahrattas and 
Tippoo were much more likely to make war upon one 
another than to combine their arms for an attack upon 
the British State. Finally, by the Act of Parliament, the 
East India Company's servants were completely prohibited 
from interfering in the quarrels of the native princes, and 
from taking up arms against them, unless to oppose an 
actual invasion of the British provinces. 

" By these considerations the mind of the Governor- 
General was determined, and he purposed to leave the 
Nizam to his fate. That such a determination was con- 
trary to the expectations upon which the Nizam was 
induced to enter into the alliance, and expectations which, 
for that purpose, he was encouraged to entertain, there 
seems no reason to doubt. The difficulties of the 
Governor-General and the disappointment of the Nizam 
were created by the looseness of the treaty. Two ob- 
vious cases the authors of that treaty had not been able to 
foresee ; first, if one of the three contracting parties were 
attacked by Tippoo, and one of the two who in that case 
were bound to assist should decline ; secondly, if one of 



the three were attacked, and one of the two, who ought chap. 
to assist, instead of assisting should join the aggressor. • — ^Jl— 
There was nothing in the treaty which determined what ^2itie< 
was to be done by the third party in either of those cases. 

" If Tippoo had attacked the English, and the Mahrattas 
had either not assisted or joined in the attack, it may be 
strongly expected that the English, in that case, would not 
have held the Nizam released from his engagement. 

" The opinion has also been urged, and it is not without 
probability, that by declaring themselves bound to pro- 
tect the Nizam, the English would not have involved 
themselves in the calamities of war, but would have 
prevented hostilities by the terror of their interference.* 

" When once the English have thoroughly imbibed the 
dread of an enemy — Tippoo or any other — that dread, 
after the cause of it is weakened or peradventure wholly 
removed, continues for a long time to warp their policy. 
In the opinion of the Governor-General, great danger still 
impended over the Company by the existence of Tippoo : 
the Nizam he regarded as too weak, the Mahrattas alone 
as sufficiently powerful to yield a counterpoise to that 
detested sovereign ; his policy, therefore, was to retain at 
some cost the friendship of the Mahrattas, and for this 
purpose not to grudge the sacrifice of the Nizam. He 
was relieved from a portion of his difficulties by the as- 
surance that if Tippoo had entertained the project of an 
attack upon the Nizam it was now laid aside. In the 
dispute between the Nizam and the Mahrattas, the treaty, 
he thought, created certainly no obligation to interfere. 

"In the opinion of Sir John Malcolm an obligation 
existed, which cannot fail to be considered as a little 

* This opinion is given with confidence by Sir John Malcolm. 



chap, extraordinary. He seems to say, for it is seldom that a 
« — ^ — ■ rhetorical writer is entirely free from ambiguity, that the 
difficuMes. native powers, by joining the English in any war in which 
they were engaged, established a right, which nothing but 
their own misconduct could ever forfeit, to their friend- 
ship and to protection against any power to whom by 
that conduct they might have given offence. He adduces 
Lord Cornwallis as a party to this speculation, who, in 
his letter, under date the 28th February, 1790, to the 
Eesident at Poona, declared that the Mahratta State, by 
acting against Tippoo in concert with the British Govern- 
ment, became entitled in reason and equity to a defensive 
alliance against that prince, even though no previous 
engagement existed." If this proposition means anything 
real, and if assistance in war creates an obligation to 
assistance in return, except an obligation of which the 
party obliged is alone to judge, in other words an obliga- 
tion binding him only when agreeable, that is no obliga- 
tion at all ; the receipt of assistance in war is a snare 
which carries ruin in its consequences, and ought for ever 
to be shunned. One little consequence, in the present 
instance, it would appear that Sir John Malcolm over- 
looked. The Nizam and Mahrattas were about to go to 
war ; the English had received assistance from both of 
them ; the English were therefore bound to lend assist- 
ance to both of them, that is, to send one body of English 
troops to fight against another. 

" Before hostilities commenced between the Soobehdar 
and the Mahrattas, Mahdojee Scindia died. The power of 
this chief, and his ascendancy in the Mahratta confede- 
racy, had lately been so great that his death was expected 
to produce considerable changes, and the Eesident at 
Poona thought it probable that the opportunity might be 



so improved as to effect an adjustment between the Nizam chap. 
and Mahratta. The Governor-General, however, would 
not risk offence to the Poona Government by any sort of ^^^^ 
interference more forcible than words, and the successor 
of Mahdojee Scindia, his nephew, Dowlut Eao, soon as- 
sembled his army from the remotest part of his do- 
minions, and obtained an ascendancy at once in the Poona 
councils and in the confederacy which was forming against 
the dominions of the Nizam. 

" The Nizam was the party in danger, but the first in the 
field. He advanced to Beder, if not with a view to actual 
aggression at least with a view to interfere in the internal 
affairs of the Mahratta Government, a considerable time 
before the movement of the Mahratta armies. Early in 
March 1795 the advanced corps of the Mahratta army, 
under the command of Dowlut Eao Scindia, approached, 
and the Nizam advanced from Beder to meet him. A 
general action took place ; both armies were thrown into 
some confusion, and neither obtained any considerable 
advantage. But the women of the Nizam* were fright- 
ened, and under their influence he retreated from the 
scene of action during the night. He sought protection 
in the small fort of Kurdlah, where the Mahrattas had 

* This will not be understood un- 
less it is explained that Nizam Alee 
had two battalions of female sepoys, 
of 1000 each, which he named the 
Ztiffur pultum or victorious bat- 
talions. The females composing 
them, who were called Gardunees 
— a corruption of the English word 
guard — were dressed after the old 
style of British sepoys, and were re- 
gularly trained to the French manual 
and platoon exercise. Their principal 

duty wa3 to mount guard in the in- 
terior of the palace, and to accom- 
pany the movements of the Nizam's 
Zenana. The battalions, I ought to 
add, were officered by ladies. 

These battalions no longer exist, 
and the six girls who remain of the 
establishment, in the service of 
Shums - ool - Oomrah's second son, 
grinned with delight as they went 
through some of their drill for my 

210 THE nizam's connection with 

chap, the advantage of terminating the war without another 
^ — > blow, and concluded a peace on terms which they were 

aSSSSi P leased t0 

" The particulars of the treaty have already been given 

in the history of the Nizam, but for the performance of 
its conditions the Nizam had to give up as hostage his 
Minister, Azeem-ool-Oomrah, whose abilities had for some 
time been the great support of his throne, who was a 
zealous friend of the English connection, and a firm oppo- 
nent of the Mahrattas. 

"No part of the conduct of the English had more 
offended the Nizam than the refusal to permit his two 
battalions of British troops to accompany him to the war. 
As the Mahrattas were the great source from which he 
apprehended danger, an expensive force which could 
not be employed against the Mahrattas was a loss rather 
than an advantage. He therefore, shortly after his return 
to Hyderabad, intimated his desire to dispense with the 
service of the English battalions, and they marched to 
the territories of the Company. 

" The Nizam had never from the time of Bussy been 
without French officers in his service. In the confederate 
war against Tippoo he had two battalions of regular 
infantry, officered by Frenchmen, and commanded by a 
gentleman of the name of Eaymond, who began his 
military career in India at an early age in the disastrous 
campaign at Lally. At first his establishment amounted 
to no more than 300 men, and he hired their arms 
from a merchant of his own country at the rate of 
eight annas — a shilling — a month. By his services and 
address he rapidly increased the favour and liberalities of 
the Soobehdar, of which he availed himself for the aug- 
mentation and equipment of his corps. It had received 


great accession both to its number and appointments chap. 
since the peace of Seringapatam, and the English Eesi- »- — ^ — - 
dent reported, probably with great exaggeration, that fSities. 
twenty-three battalions of this description, with twelve 
field-pieces, accompanied the Nizam in his campaign 
against the Mahrattas. 

"After the return of his Highness to his capital he 
ordered new levies of this corps, and assigned a portion 
of territory for its regular payment. The expostulations 
of the British Eesident, and his intimations that so much 
encouragement of the French portended serious changes 
in his relations with the English, were but little regarded. 

" A part of this corps was sent to occupy the districts 
of Kurpah and Kummun. These districts lay upon the 
frontier of the Company's possessions, and the Gover- 
nor-General took the alarm. 4 The measure itself,' he 
remarked, ' had a suspicious, not to say criminal, appear- 
ance,' and he directed 4 the strongest representations to be 
made to induce the Nizam to recall the detachment of 
M. Eaymond.' In case of refusal the Eesident was even 
instructed to threaten him with the march of a body of 
English troops to his frontier. The apprehensions of the 
English Government were increased by some French 
officers, prisoners at Madras, who were detected in a project 
of escape, and suspected of a design to join M. Eaymond. 

" Whether the Nizam could have been led on to risk 
the displeasure of the English, or whether the knowledge 
' )f his defenceless condition would soon have brought him 
back to court their support, sufficient time was not afforded 
to try. On the 28th June, 1795, his eldest son, Alee Jah, 
fled from the capital and placed himself in open rebellion, 
when the Nizam's fears were so vehemently excited, that 
he applied himself with the utmost eagerness to recover 

p 2 



chap, the friendship of the English. He agreed to the recall* 

* 5 — - of Eaymond's corps from the district of Kurpah ; and 

difficldSs warmr y solicited the return of the subsidiary force. The 
battalions were ordered to join him with the greatest 
possible expedition ; but before they were able to arrive 
an action had taken place in which Alee Jah was made 
prisoner. He did not long survive his captivity. The 
Nizam, however, enjoyed but a few months' tranquillity, 
w 7 hen another member of his family revolted, at the head 
of a large body of troops. In quelling this rebellion and 
recovering the fort of Eaichore, which the insurgents had 
occupied, the English battalions had an opportunity of 
rendering conspicuous service. 

" The Mzam, though brought again to a sufficient sense 
of his dependence upon the English, could not help reflect- 
ing that from them he had nothing to expect in seeking 
the means of his defence against that insatiate neighbour, 
whom nothing less than his ruin would content ; nor 
could he forbear turning with particular favour to that 
body of his troops, on whom, in contending with the 
Mahrattas, his principal dependence must rest. The value 
of M. Eaymond's corps had risen in his estimation by the 
activity which it had displayed in the reduction of Alee 
Jah. Its numbers and appointments w r ere increased ; ad- 
ditional lands for its support were assigned to its com- 
mander ; and arsenal and foundries were established for 
its equipment. The abilities of M. Eaymond qualified 
him to improve the favourable sentiments of his prince ; 
the discipline and equipment of his corps were carried to 
the highest perfection of which his circumstances would 
admit ; and his connections with the principal officers of 
the Government were industriously cultivated and enlarged. 
He w r as not anxious to avoid those little displays, by which 



the fears and hatred of the English were most likely to chap. 
be enflamed. The colours of the French Eepublic were . IX ' _ 
borne by his battalions ; and the cap of liberty was en- 
graved on their buttons. While a detachment of this 
corps was stationed on the frontier of the Company's ter- 
ritories, a partial mutiny was raised in a battalion of 
Madras sepoys. It was ascribed, of course, to the in- 
trigues of the abominable French officers. Whether this 
was or was not the fact, two native commissioned officers 
with a number of men went over to the French. 

" It was by no means without jealousy and apprehension, 
that the English Government beheld the progress of a 
French interest in the councils of the Nizam. That prince 
declared his readiness to dismiss the rival corps, provided 
the English subsidiary force was so increased, and its ser- 
vice so regulated, as to render it available for his defence. 
This, however, the desire of standing fair with the Mah- 
rattas dissuaded, and a substitute was devised. It was 
thought expedient to encourage the entrance of English 
adventurers into the service of the Nizam, who might 
form a rival corps to counterbalance the French. But 
the English were less qualified than the French for this 
species of adventure ; there was no man to be found whose 
abilities and address could balance those of M. Eaymond, 
and this project totally failed." 

The Marquis Wellesley had now arrived in India, 
and while engaged in assembling the army with which he 
proposed to meet Tippoo Sooltan, found employment in 
negotiating with Nizam Alee the dismissal of the French 
officers and the dissolution of their corps. His Minister, 
to whom the business of the State was almost wholly com- 
mitted, was a partisan of the English, and well disposed 
for the annihilation of the French party, as soon as the 

r 3 



chap. British Government would consent to replace them by a 
< — force adequate to the service which the French performed 
dSSes m tne P rotec ti° n of the country. The Nizam was not 
altogether blind to the dangers of placing himself in a 
state of helpless dependence upon a superior power. 
But totally unequal, as he knew that he was, to the 
defence of himself against the Mahrattas, against Tippoo 
Sooltan, or against the English, it was easy for the Minis- 
ter to convince him that he was safer in the hands of the 
English than of either of the other two. From the attain- 
ment of what he regarded as an object of unspeakable 
importance, the dissolution of the French corps in the 
service of the Nizam, Lord Wellesley was far from allow- 
ing himself to be restrained by any dread of offending the 
Mahrattas, the motive by which the mind of his predeces- 
sor had been swayed. His instructions were issued to 
the Acting Eesident at Hyderabad, on the 8th July, to 
open a negotiation wdth the Nizam ; and on the 1st Sep- 
tember a treaty was concluded by which four battalions 
of British troops were added to the former two, and the 
British Government was pledged for the protection of the 
Nizam against any unjust demands of the Mahrattas. 
The Nizam, on his part, engaged to disband the French 
corps in his service ; to deliver over its officers to the 
British Government whenever the whole of the British 
force should arrive in his capital ; and to raise the subsidy, 
which he paid for the maintenance of the British troops, 
from rupees 57,713 to 2,01,425 per month. 

" Though the force which the French officers com- 
manded consisted, after all the alarm which it occasioned, 
of less than 14,000 men, it was necessary to take precau- 
tions against the chance of its resistance. Pending the 
negotiation, the additional troops destined for the service 



of the Nizam were collected in that part of the Company's chap. 
territory which touched upon his frontier, and on the 10th s . ^ • _ 
October joined the two former battalions at Hyderabad. 
Fortunately for the schemes of the Governor-General, 
Eaymond, whose talents and great influence might have 
been formidably exerted for the preservation of his power, 
had died a few months before ; and a struggle for ascend- 
ancy had introduced great animosity and disunion into 
the corps. Not only the Nizam, but even the Minister 
himself wavered, however, and drew back, when the enter- 
prise came to the verge of execution. But in so little 
respect was this greatly dreaded corps really held by the 
British officer who commanded the six subsidiary battalions, 
that he did not hesitate to take a decisive step. He de- 
clared his determination, unless the Nizam came to the 
immediate resolution of fulfilling his engagements, to make 
an attack on the French camp with his own forces, and 
proclaim the want of faith in the Nizam's government as 
the cause of all the consequences which might ensue. 
A proclamation was soon after sent to the French camp 
announcing the discharge of the officers, and declaring it 
treason in the soldiers to obey them. The soldiers were 
already in a state approaching mutiny. The disorders 
now proceeded to greater violence, and the officers were 
imprisoned by their men. In this helpless situation, the 
camp, which at the time did not contain above 11,000 
men, the rest of the corps being on distant detachment, 
was surrounded by the whole of the British battalions, 
and a strong body of the Nizam's horse. The men, upon 
a promise of their pay and continuance of service, laid 
down their arms ; and the arrest of the officers was ac- 
complished without difficulty or danger. Notwithstand- 
ing the unfriendly passions which Frenchmen at this 

p 4 



chap, moment excited in the breast of the Governor-General, he 


« — - was careful to ensure to the individuals, who had fallen 
aifficEs. un ^ eT ms power, that generosity of treatment which a 
gallant mind is ever prompted to bestow. Their pro- 
perty, together with such arrears as were due to them by 
the Nizam, were secured to their use ; they were conveyed 
to Calcutta under every indulgence compatible with the 
security of their persons ; and on their arrival in England 
the Governor-General provided that they should not 
be treated as prisoners of war, but transported to their 
country without detention." 

Such is Mill's statement. Kate, in his Life of Sir 
John Malcolm, has the following account — Malcolm 
having been appointed to take up the Assistant-Eesident- 
ship, which had become vacant by Captain Achilles 
Kirkpatrick being promoted to Eesident, vice his brother, 
resigned — " The Nizam had entered into a solemn en- 
gagement to disband the French regiments, and to give 
up their European officers to the representatives of the 
British Government. But no sooner had Colonel Eoberts' 
force arrived than it became apparent that the terms of the 
treaty would be grudgingly, if at all, fulfilled. That the 
Nizam should have parted reluctantly with men who had 
rendered him good service in the hour of need, is not 
otherwise than natural and honourable. Viewed from 
the English side, the dissolution of the French corps was 
a masterpiece of policy. But the sympathies of our 
common humanity may yet be awakened in favour of the 
sufferers, when we contemplate the rending of all those 
ties which had bound the soldier and the officer together 
and linked the united military body to the State. Doubt- 
less it was a necessity, but it was a cruel one. And when 
the hour of parting arrived it was not strange that there 



should have been a plentiful growth of subterfuge and chap. 
evasion to delay the fulfilment of a stipulation so painful ^ 
and so humiliating both to the French party and the 
Hyderabad Court. 

" But over and above this natural and creditable re- 
luctance, there was all that innate duplicity and evasive- 
ness which is inseparable from the diplomacy of a native 
court. Seldom or never are the conditions of a treaty 
with an Oriental potentate fulfilled, except under strong 
compulsion. The ISTizam's ministers, on the arrival of 
Colonel Roberts' force, were eager to see it encamped in 
a position where it could be of little use in overawing the 
French battalions. But the British Eesident saw plainly 
enough that the success of his measures depended upon 
the promptitude with which our troops could be brought 
to operate upon their lines. Had he been irresolute in 
this conjuncture, the whole force might have decamped 
and carried their services to Tippoo, to be tinned against 
us hi the coming war. 

" A German officer named Piron had succeeded Ray- 
mond in the chief command of the force.* It was now 
reported at the Residency that he was in personal com- 
munication with the ministers ; that he had a stronger 

* He was a man in all respects 
vastly inferior to Raymond. Speak- 
ing of him in a letter to Lord Ho- 
bart, written in April 1798, Malcolm 
says: — "Raymond is succeeded by 
M. Piron, a rough, violent democrat ; 
a man with more hostile dispositions 
to us than his predecessor, but less 
dangerous." In another letter, to 
General Ross, he speaks of Piron as 
"a rough democrat, a stranger to 
that temper and those conciliatory 

manners by which his predecessor 
won his way to greatness." And 
in a later letter to Lord Hobart, 
whilst narrating how some Soobeh- 
dars who had deserted from our army 
had been apprehended in the French 
lines, he says : — " Had Raymond 
lived, the taking up of these men 
would not have been an easy task. 
But Piron has no ability, and his 
authority is far from being generally 



chap, party than we had suspected at court; and that dan- 
> — -rl — . gerous intrigues were on foot which were hkely to defeat 
difficulties ^ e P eacea ^^ e ratification of the treaty, and render 
coercion necessary. There were divided councils in the 
Durbar. The interests of the Mahrattas, of Tippoo, of 
the French, had each their supporters among the chief 
servants of the Nizam. Strong personal motives, too, 
were at work to thwart the efforts of the British Minister. 
Every pretext for evasion and delay was seized upon 
with avidity by the upholders of the French party. It 
was even reported that peace had been declared between 
the English and French ; that the hostile designs of the 
former against Tippoo were at an end ; and the territories 
ceded after the last war were to be restored to the 
Sooltan. But Meer Allum (at this time commander of 
the Nizam's Mogul troops), who knew the English well, 
and who had consistently supported our cause, promptly 
silenced the report, saying, ' If perchance the island of 
Great Britain should be swallowed up by the sea, then 
such a peace would be probable. Till that event takes 
place, it is impossible.' 

"Eager as Kirkpatrick and Malcolm were to accom- 
plish the dissolution of the French force without shedding 
a drop of blood, they felt that it must be done at all 
hazards, and they feared that the crooked policy of the 
Hyderabad Durbar would compel them to resort to 
violence. It was necessary, at all events, that the troops 
at the Eesident's disposal should assume a threatening 
attitude ; and he prepared at a moment's notice to fire on 
the French lines. There were two brigades, well equipped 
and ready for action, the components of the old sub- 
sidiary force under Colonel Hyndman, and the reinforce- 
ments which had just arrived under Colonel Koberts. 



The former were moved up to attack the rear of the char 


French camp ; the latter were ready to advance upon its s ., r ' _ 
front. From such a disposition of our forces there was 
no escape. The French troops were now completely at 
our mercy. 

"It was on the 20th of October, 1798, that our 
battalions took up the position which thus fearfully 
threatened the total annihilation of the French corps. 
On the same morning a message was brought to the 
British Kesident, declaring that it was the intention of 
the chief minister immediately to fulfil the treaty, by 
dismissing the French officers and breaking up the bat- 
talions. And at midnight two French officers waited 
upon Captain Kirkpatrick, at the instance of M. Piron, to 
inform Mm that they were one and all prepared to throw 
themselves on the protection of the British, ' well know- 
ing that, although general policy might dictate their 
removal from the Deccan, they would be individually 
considered as entitled to every justice and indulgence that 
could with propriety be extended to them.' To this the 
British Eesident returned a becoming answer. Duty and 
inclination alike prompted him to pledge himself to the 
generous treatment of these unfortunate men. 

" On the following morning the orders of the Nizam 
for the disbandment of the French corps were publicly 
proclaimed in the lines. The Durbar officers, to whom 
this duty was entrusted, reported that all was quiet. 
Soon after their return, the Eesident received a letter 
from Piron, urging him to despatch some person on the 
part of the British Government to the French cantonments, 
with a view to the protection both of the public and pri- 
vate property within them. Accordingly Malcolm, who 
had been for some time actively assisting the negotiations 



chap, with the Durbar — writing, translating, discussing — was 
• — — ' despatched to the French lines. Before he could reach 
difficulties, ^em, the greater number of the regiment-, clamorous for 
their arrears of pay, had risen up in open mutiny and 
seized the persons of Piron and many of his officers. 

" When Malcolm reached the lines, the violence of the 
mutineers was at its height. In vain he endeavoured to 
' make his way to the place where Piron was confined. In 
vain he remonstrated ; in vain he endeavoured to persuade 
the men to suffer order to be restored to their ranks. 
They crowded tumultuously around him. They threatened 
to deal with him as they had dealt with their own officers. 
And, doubtless, in the violence of their excitement, they 
would have fulfilled their threats ; but timely assistance 
was at hand. Among the crowd of mutineers were some 
• men who had formerly belonged to Malcolm's company 
in the 29th Battalion, but had deserted to the French 
corps. They now recognised, their old officer and went 
at once to his assistance. He had been kind to them in 
former days and they had not forgotten his kindness. 
Lifting him up and bearing him away on their heads, 
they rescued him from the hands of the infuriated mob. 

" Malcolm returned to the Eesidency ; and the mutiny 
continued to spread. It was an event to be welcomed, 
not to be deplored. It was plain to the British diploma- 
tists that it would render the dissolution of the corps com- 
paratively easy. So measures were at once concerted for 
the accomplishment of the disarming and dispersion of 
the disorganised mass. Early on the following day, 
Colonel Eoberts was instructed to draw up his detachment 
opposite the French lines, and to summon the men to an 
unconditional surrender. If at the end of half an hour 
they had not complied with the demand, he was to attack 



tli em in front, and as soon as Colonel Hyndman heard chap. 
a shot fired, he was to open upon their rear. A party of > — r— 
1500 horse was placed under Malcolm, who was ordered ^uities. 
to occupy their right flank and prevent escape in that 
direction, whilst Captain Greene, with another party of 
500 horse, occupied the left. 

"Some time before Eoberts' force came up Malcolm 
had reached his ground. The first French sepoys whom 
he met — a small party of deserters — fearing an immediate 
attack upon their camp, were in an extreme state of alarm. 
He exerted himself to allay their fears. He told them 
that, if they fulfilled the required conditions, no violence 
would be offered to them, and despatched them into the 
lines to give assurance of protection to their comrades. 
A deputation of Soobehdars — native officers — came out to 
him, and declared that they were ready to do anything 
that they were ordered. On this he advanced into the 
lines. He found the whole body of sepoys panic-struck, 
as were those whom he had first met. They had released 
their officers, and were now disciplined and subdued by 
an overwhelming sense of their common danger. Malcolm 
assured them, that if they laid down their arms in peace, 
they, would be protected by the British troops. They 
promised, therefore, prompt submission. The only con- 
dition which they urged upon the British officer was, that 
the lines should be placed in the possession of the Com- 
pany's troops, and not given up to the destructive plunder 
of the Mogul horse. - 

"Having reported to Colonel Eoberts the favourable 
aspect of affairs, Malcolm drew up his detachment on the 
heights fronting the French lines. There he was speedily 
joined by the European officers of the French corps, elate 
with joy at their escape from the hands of their infuriate 


chap, soldiery, and actually, in the conjuncture that had arisen, 
■_ ^ x regarding the English as friends and deliverers. The rest 
difficulties was soon accomplished. The sepoys left their guns, laid 
down their arms, and, in the presence of the two lines of 
British troops, moved off in a deep column to a flag 
planted on the right of their ground, followed by their 
wives and carrying their little property with them. Not 
a shot was fired ; not a drop of blood was shed. Eleven 
or twelve thousand men were thus dispersed in a few 
hours ; and before sunset their whole cantonment, with 
all their store-houses, arsenals, gun-foundries, and powder- 
mills, were completely in our possession. The celebrated 
French corps of Hyderabad had passed into a tradition."* 
From that hour the counsels of Britain prevailed in the 
Durbar of the Nizam. 

* Kate's Life of Sir John Malcolm, i. 72 et seq. 





The complete Series of Treaties, and Papers relating Appendix 
thereto, concluded by the British Government with the ^ — - 


Treaty entered into by the Honourable East India Company 
and Ms Highness The Nizam. Under date the 14th May, 

Eequests made by Colonel Eorde to Nuwab Salabut 
Jung and his compliance thereto in his own hand. 

The whole of the Circar of Masulipatam, with eight districts, 
as well as the Circar of Nizampatam, and the districts of Con- 
davir and Walalmanner, shall be given to the English Company, 
as an enam (or free gift), and the sunnuds granted to them, in 
the same manner as was done to the French. 

The Nuwab Salabut Jung will oblige the French troops, 
which are in his country, to pass the river Granges within fifteen 
days, or send them to Pondicherry, or to any other place out of 
the Deccan country, on the other side of the river Krishna ; in 
future he will not suffer them to have a settlement in this 
country on any account whatsoever, nor keep them in his 
service, nor assist them, nor call them to his assistance. 

VOL. I. Q 



Appendix. The Nuwab will not demand or call Granzepetty Eanze to 
^ A ' - an account for what he has collected out of the Circars belong- 
ing to the French, nor for the computation of the revenues of 
his own country, in the present year; but let him remain 
peaceable in it in future ; and according to the commutation of 
the revenues of his country before the time of the French, 
agreeable to the custom of his grandfather and father, and as 
was then paid to the Circar, so he will now act and pay 
accordingly to the Circar, and if he (the Eaja) does not agree to 
it, then the Nuwab may do what he pleases. In all cases the 
Nuwab will not assist the enemies of the English, nor give them 

The English Company on their part will not assist the Nu- 
wab's enemies, nor give them protection. 

Dated moon Eumzan, the 16th Hijree, 1172, which is the 
14th of May, 1759. 

I swear by God and his Prophet, and upon the holy Alcoran, 
that T, with pleasure, agree to the requests specified in this paper, 
and shall not deviate from it, even a hair's breadth.* 


Tkeaty with The Nizam, under date the 12th Nov., 1766. 

A treaty of perpetual honour, favour, alliance, and attachment 
between the great Nuwab, high in station, famous as the sun, 
Nuwab Asoph Jah Nizam-ool-Moolk, Nizam-ood-Dowlah, Meer 
Nizam Alee Khan Bahadoor, Phutta Jung Sepoy Sirdar, and 
the Honourable English East India Company ; signed, sealed, 
and ratified, on the one part by his Highness the said Nuwab, 
and on the other by John Calliaud, Esquire, Brigadier-Greneral, 
invested with full powers, on behalf of the said Company. 

Done at Hyderabad, the 9th of the moon Jumadee-oos-Sanee, 
in the year of Hijree 1180, equal to the 12th of November, 

* In the Nuwab's own hand, which may be seen on the top of the original, 
as well as his grand seal. 



Article 1. — The two contracting parties do, by virtue of Apfkndex 
this treaty of honour, favour, alliance, and friendship, solemnly ^ „ 
engage a mutual assistance to esteem the enemies of one the 
enemies of both ; and, contrariwise, the friends of one the friends 
of the other. 

A.rt. 2. — The Honourable English East India Company, in 
return for the gracious favours received from his Highness, con- 
sisting of sunnuds for the five Circars of Ellore, Chicacole, 
Eajamundry, Mustaphanuggur, and Murtezanuggur, expressing 
the free gift thereof on them and their heirs, for ever and ever, 
do hereby promise and engage to have a body of their troops 
ready to settle the affairs of his Highness's government in 
everything that is right and proper, whenever required, pro- 
vided that they be at liberty to withdraw the whole, or such 
part thereof as they shall judge proper, whenever either the 
safety of their own settlements and possessions, or the peace 
and tranquillity of the Carnatic be the least endangered, (in 
case of their falling out, of which circumstance Grod forbid,) 
they do promise and engage to give the most timely notice 
thereof to his Highness in their power. 

Art. 3. — The Honourable English East India Company do fur- 
ther engage and promise that in whatever year the assistance of 
their troops shall not be required, they will pay to his Highness 
as a consideration for the free gift of the above-mentioned five Cir- 
cars, for ever and ever, the following sums, by kists, as specified 
in the 8th article of this treaty, viz. : for the three Circars of 
Eajamundry, Ellore, and Mustaphanuggur, five lakhs of rupees, 
and for those of Chicacole and Murtezanuggur, as soon as they are 
in their hands, and the settling the same is well effected, two 
lakhs each, in all nine lakhs of rupees per annum. 

Art. 4. — The reduction of the Chicacole Circar, by the bless- 
ing of God, the Company will effect as soon as possible ; but 
that of Murtezanuggur, in consideration of his Highness having 
by former agreements given it to his brother, Bazalut Jung, as a 
jagheer, the Honourable English East India Company do pro- 
mise and engage not to take possession of until it be his High- 
ness's pleasure, or until the demise of his said brother ; but to 

q 2 



Appendix prevent all future disputes and difficulties that may hereafter 

v ^ — < arise concerning the same, the aforesaid Company do further 

explain their intentions in the following article. 

Art. 5. — As the Circar of Murtezanuggur borders on that of 
Nizampatam, and the country of the Carnatic, which,* by virtue 
of the former and present treaties and alliances of the aforesaid 
Company, are bound to maintain and protect in all its extent, 
therefore, in case the said Bazalut Jung, his agents or depen- 
dants, should cause any disturbances to the prejudice thereof, it 
is hereby agreed on by both parties that the aforesaid Company 
shall then have it in their power to take immediate possession 
of that Circar. 

Art. 6. — As, by the tenor of the second article of this treaty, 
the aforesaid Company have engaged to furnish a body of troops 
to be ready to march to the assistance of his Highness, it is 
agreed on by both parties, that the expenses thereof shall be 
paid in the following manner ; to wit, if the expense of the 
number of troops his Highness may require should fall short of 
the sum of the five lakhs of rupees mentioned to be paid for 
the three Circars of Eajamundry, Ellore, and Mustapbanuggur, 
the Company will account to his Highness for what balance 
may remain due; and in case of its exceeding the above- 
mentioned sum, the aforesaid Company do hereby engage them- 
selves to be answerable for the payment of the remainder. 
The same agreement, in like manner, to hold good for the sums 
stipulated to be paid for the two Circars of Siccacole and Mur- 
tezanuggur, when settled. 

Art. 7. — In consideration of the fidelity, attachment, and 
services of the aforesaid Company, and the dependence his 
Highness has upon them, his said Highness, out of his great 
favour, does hereby entirely acquit the above-mentioned Circars 
of all arrears and demands, down to the present date of these 

Art. 8. — In case the assistance of the Honourable Company's 
troops is not required, the annual stipulated sum, expressed in 
the third article of this treaty, the aforesaid Company do engage 
to pay, in three kists, after the following manner, and to give 



Soucar security for the same, viz. : the first payment, the 31st of Appendix 
March; the second, the 30th of June; and the third the 31st A ' . 
of October. 

Art. 9. — Whenever his Highness goes into winter quarters, 
and the troops of the other Circars have leave for that purpose, 
those of the aforesaid Company shall have leave also to depart 
to their own country. 

Art. 10. — His Highness engages to give as early notice as 
possible, not less than three months, of the service in which he 
will require the assistance of the troops of the aforesaid Com- 
pany, that they may have timely notice to make the necessary 
preparations, and that the number of troops sent may be suffi- 
cient for the service of them, of which the aforesaid Company 
are to be left the entire and sole judges ; and as the success of 
all expeditions depends much upon secresy in council, both 
parties do hereby engage themselves not to reveal any such 
designs as they may communicate to each other until everything 
on both sides is ready for execution. 

Art. 11. — The Honourable English East India Company, in 
consideration of the diamond mines, with the villages appertain- 
ing thereto, having been always dependent upon his Highness's 
government, do hereby agree that the same shall remain in his 
possession now also. 

Art. 12. — His Highness, in order to convince the whole 
world of the great confidence and trust he reposes in the English 
nation, agrees and consents that the Fort of Condapillee shall be 
entirely garrisoned by the troops of the aforesaid Company ; in 
consideration of which the aforesaid Company do hereby agree 
and consent likewise that there be a killeedar therein on the 
part of his Highness, and that the usual jagheer annexed to the 
killeedaree shall be ceded to him. 

Art. 13. — In virtue of this treaty of mutual favour, alliance, 
and friends hi between the two contracting parties, his High- 
ness promises and engages to assist the aforesaid Company with 
his troops when required ; reserving to himself the same liberty 
of withdrawing the whole, or any part thereof, in the same man- 
ner as is expressed, for the aforesaid Company, in the second 



Appendix article of this treaty, whenever the same shall become neces- 
A " _ . sary. 

Art. 14. — In virtue of the above treaty of favour, alliance, 
and friendship, both parties do mutually and solemnly engage 
to the punctual and strict observance of all and every one of the 
above-mentioned articles, that from this time all doubts and 
suspicions shall cease between them, and in their room a per- 
petual, just, and sincere confidence be established, so that the 
great affairs of the Deccan Government and the business of the 
Company may increase every day in honour, riches, and happi- 
ness, from generation to generation. 

In confirmation of which, his Highness on the one part, and 
John Calliaud, Esquire, Brigadier-Greneral, invested with full 
powers from the English Company, on the other, have hereunto 
affixed their hands and seals. 

Dated in Hyderabad, the 9th of the moon Jumadee-oos-Sanee, 
in the year of the Hijree 1180, equal to the 12th of November, 


Translation of a Sunnud under the seal of Nizam Alee 
Khan for the five Circars, 

Be it known to the Deshmookees, Deshpandias, Mookadums, 
husbandmen, and inhabitants of the Circars of Kajamundry, El- 
lore, Mustaphanuggur, Chicacole and Murtezanuggur, belonging 
to the Soobahship of Hyderabad, that out of our great favour 
and goodness, from the 9th of the moon Jumadee-oos-Sanee, in 
the year of Fuslee, 1176, equal to the 12th of November, 1766, 
the whole of the said Circars (the jagheer of the Mustaphanuggur, 
alias Condapillee Fort, and the usual villages appertaining to 
the diamond mines excepted) are now given to and conferred 
upon the European English Company, by way of enam, or free 
gift, for ever and ever, agreeable to their petition, signed by us, 
in return for which they, the English Company, are to pay the 
annual sum of nine lakhs of rupees, and to stand to all Sebundy 
charges, and whatever earthly or heavenly mischances may hap- 



pen. You, therefore, our above-mentioned Deshmookees, &c, are Appendix 
hereby required, with contented minds, to live in obedience to A ~ . 
the above Company's deputies, and to pay the proper revenues 
at the fixed and stated times. 

Looking upon this as a positive order, obey it accordingly. 

Dated the 9th of the moon Jumadee-oos-Sanee, in the year 
of the Hijree 1180, equal to the 12th of November, 1766. 


Translation of a Discharge under the seal of Nizam Alee Khan 


Deen Khan Bahadoor, Munsoor 5im&,Foujdar of the Carnatie 
Payeen Ghaut, from the borders of the Palnand country to 
the further extremity of those of the Malabar country, and 
to the sons and heirs of the said Oomdut-ool-Moolk Baha- 

In consideration of the fidelity and attachment, the said 
Oomdut-ool-Moolk Bahadoor has promised and engaged to my 
court, by the means of General Calliaud, and in return for the 
sum of five lakhs of rupees (agreeable to the petition hereunder 
mentioned, countersigned by us), this discharge is now given to 
him, the said Oomdut-ool-Moolk, his sons and heirs, for the whole 
of the above-mentioned countries, as well the past, present, as 
the future also. 


Translation of the Petition supposed to be presented by 
Oomdut-ool-Moolk Bahadoor's Wukeel. 

In consequence of the fidelity and attachment Oomdut-ool- 
Moolk Bahadoor has promised and engaged to your Highness's 
court, by the means of General Calliaud, I beg leave to hope, 
that in return for the sum of five lakhs of rupees, a discharge for 
the past, present, and future may be given to him (the said 
Oomdut-ool-Moolk Bahadoor), his sons and heirs, for the Car- 

q 4 



Appendix natic, from the borders of the Palnand country to the further ex- 
■ _ f" ■ tremity of those of the Malawar country. 

Dated the 9th of the moon Jumadee-oos-Sanee, in the year 
of the Hijree 1180, equal to the 12th of November, 1766. 


Translation of an Obligation given to his Highness Nizam 
Alee, by General Calliaud, on the part of the Nuwab Suraj- 


Whereas evil-minded people have taken great pains, by false 
representations and otherwise, to instil doubts and suspicions into 
his Highness's mind regarding Oomdut-ool-Moolk, Suraj-ood- 
Dowlah, and Mooneer-ood-Deen Khan Bahadoor; in order, 
therefore, to prevent all causes for the same in future, and to 
strengthen and establish in the strongest manner the alliance, 
attachment, and fidelity between his Highness the said Oomdut- 
ool-Moolk Bahadoor and the English Company, I, John Calliaud, 
Esquire, Brigadier-General, do hereby promise and engage, on 
the part of the said Oomdut-ool-Moolk Bahadoor, that he will 
do nothing prejudicial to the interests of his Highness, or con- 
trary to the friendship and alliance, by the means of the said 
Company, now happily established between them ; for the true 
and just performance of which the aforesaid Company do 
hereby become securities. 

Given at Hyderabad the 11th of the moon Jumadee-oos- 
Sanee, in the year of the Hijree 1180, equal to the 14th of 
November, 1766. 


Translation of an Obligation given to his Highness Nizam 
Alee, by General Calliaud, on the part of the Nuwab Suraj- 

I, John Calliaud, Esquire, Brigadier-General, do hereby pro- 
mise and engage, on the part of Oomdut-ool-Moolk Suraj-ood- 
Dowlah Bahadoor, that agreeable to the terms which his High- 



ness has done for him, he, the said Oomdut-ool-Moolk Bahadoor, Appendix 

one month after my arrival at Madras, shall pay into the hands — ^ , 

of Soucars, for the use of his said Highness, the sum of five lakhs 
of rupees, for the performance of which the Company are hereby 
made securities. 

Dated at Hyderabad the 11th of the moon Jumadee-oos- 
Sanee, in the year of the Hijree 1180, equal to the 14th of 
November, 1766. 


Treaty of Perpetual Friendship and Alliance concluded, in 
February 1768, by the Honourable East India Company with 
tlie Nuwab of the Carnatic and the Soobah of the Deccan. 

A treaty of perpetual friendship and alliance, made and con- 
cluded at Fort St. George, between the Honourable United 
Company of Merchants of England, trading to the East Indies, 
in conjunction with the Nuwab Walla Jah Oomdut-ool-Moolk 
Ameer- ool-Hind, Suraj-ood-Dowlah, Mooneer-ood-Deen Khan 
Bahadoor, Munseer Jung, Sipah Salar of the Carnatic Payeen 
Ghaut, on the one part ; and the great Nuwab, high in station, 
Asoph Jah Nizam-ool-Moolk Meer Nizam Alee Khan Bahadoor 
Futteh Jung Sipah Salar, Soobah of the Deccan, on the other 
part ; by the Honourable Charles Bourchier, Esq., President 
and Governor of Fort St. George, and the Council thereof, on 
behalf of the said English East India Company ; the Nuwab 
"Walla Jah Oomdut-ool-Moolk, on behalf of himself as Nuwab 
of the Carnatic ; and the Nuwab Eokun-ood-Dowlah, Dewan, 
invested with full powers, on behalf of the said Nuwab Asoph 
Jah Nizam-ool-Moolk, his heirs and successors, as Soobah of the 
Deccan. Done on the 23rd day of February, in the year 1768 
of the Christian era, and on the 4th of the moon Shuval, in the 
year of the Hijree 1181. 

Whereas, on the 12th of November, in the year of the Christian 
era 1766, or on the 9th of the moon Jumadee-oos-Sanee, in the 
year of the Hijree 1180, a treaty was concluded at Hyderabad, 
by and between General John Calliaud, invested with full 



Appendix powers, on behalf of the English East India Company, and the 

» ^ < Nuwab Asoph Jah Nizam-ool-Moolk, &c., on behalf of himself, as 

Soobah of the Deccan, with a design to establish an honourable 
and lasting friendship and alliance between the two contracting 
powers ; and whereas some misunderstandings have since arisen, 
which have perverted the intent of the said treaty, and kindled 
up the flames of war ; now be it known to the whole world, 
that the before-mentioned Nuwab Asoph Jah, and the English 
Company, with the Nuwab Walla Jah, have entered into another 
treaty of the strictest friendship and alliance, on the following 
conditions : — 

Article 1. — The exalted and illustrious Emperor of Hindoo- 
sthan Shah Allum Padshah, having, out of his gracious favour, 
and in consideration of the attachment and services of. the 
English East India Company, given and granted to them, for 
ever, by way of enam, or free gift, the five Circars of Musta- 
phanuggur, Eajamundry, Chicacole, Murtezanuggur, or Condavir, 
by his royal firman, dated the 12th of August, 1765, or on the 
24th of Suffer, in the sixth year of his reign ; and the Nuwab 
Asoph Jah Nizam-ool-Moolk, as Soobah of the Deccan, having, 
by the second and third articles of the afore-mentioned treaty, 
ceded and surrendered by sunnuds, under his hand and seal, to 
the English East India Company for ever, the afore-mentioned 
five Circars, it is now farther acknowledged and agreed by the 
said Asoph Jah Nizam-ool-Moolk, Soobah of the Deccan, that the 
said Company shall enjoy and hold for ever, as their right and 
property, the said five Circars, on the terms hereafter men- 

Art. 2. — By the afore-mentioned Treaty of Hyderabad, it was 
stipulated that the Nuwab Asoph Jah having given the Circar 
of Murtezanuggur as a jagheer to his brother, the Nuwab Ameer- 
ool-Oomra, Suraj-ool-Moolk Bahadoor Bazalut Jung, the Com- 
pany should not take possession of the said Circar till after the 
death of Bazalut Jung, or till he broke the friendship with the 
said Company, by raising disturbances in the country of Nizam- 
patam or the Carnatic; and though the Company might justly 
claim a right to take possession of the said Circar, from the 



late conduct of Bazalut Jung, yet, in consideration of their Appendix 
friendship for Asoph Jah and his family, and that they may not . _ A " . 
distress his affairs, by obliging him to provide his brother, 
Bazalut Jung, with another jagheer, the Company do agree and 
consent, that Bazalut Jung still hold the Circar of Murtezanug- 
gur, on the aforesaid conditions, or till it be the pleasure of 
Asoph Jah that the Company should take possession thereof; 
provided that the said Bazalut Jung returns immediately to his 
own country of Adonee, and neither keeps with, nor receives 
from, Hyder Naique any wukeel or correspondence, but lives in 
peace and harmony with the English Company and the Nuwab 
Walla Jah, and gives no protection or assistance whatever to the 
said Naigue, or any of his people, nor any other enemies of the 
Company, or the Nuwab Walla Jah. But if this article shall at 
any time be infringed, the Company shall be at liberty, by 
virtue of this treaty, to take possession of and keep the Circar 
of Murtezanuggur, in the same manner as the other four, and the 
Nuwab Asoph Jah engages to assist therein with his troops, if 

Art. 3. — The Fort of Condapillee, with its jagheer, shall for 
ever hereafter remain in possession of the English Company, 
and be garrisoned with their troops, under their own officers 
only, notwithstanding anything to the contrary stipulated in the 
twelfth article of the Treaty of Hyderabad. 

Art. 4. — Narraindoo, one of the zumeendars of the Circar 
of Chicacole, having lately raised disturbances in the Itchapore 
country, and refused (as he alleges, in conformity to the Nuwab 
Asoph Jah's orders) to pay his rents or obedience to the Com- 
pany, the Nuwab Asoph Jah agrees, on the signing and exchange 
of the present treaty, to write letters, not only to Narraindoo, 
but to all the zumeendars in the Circars of Ellore, Mustapha- 
nuggur, Rajamundry, and Chicacole, acquainting them that they 
are in future to regard the English Company as their Sovereign, 
and to pay their rents ' and obedience to the said Company, or 
their deputies, without raising any troubles or disturbances. The 
Nuwab Asoph Jah further agrees, that he will not in future 
encourage or protect, in raising troubles or disobedience, any 


Appendix zumeendars, renters, or servants of the English Company, or the 
A ' „ Nuwab Walla Jah, who, on their parts, engage the same to his 
Highness Asoph Jah. 

Art. 5. — It has been the constant desire and endeavour of 
the English Company and the Nuwab Walla Jah to preserve their 
possessions in peace, and to live on terms of friendship with the 
Soobah of the Deccan : they still desire to do the same ; and 
though the operations of war have lately obliged the Company 
to send their troops towards Hyderabad, and to take possession 
of the Circars of Commamet and Wurangul, yet, as a proof of 
their friendship for the Nuwab Asoph Jah, &c, Soobah of the 
Deccan, on the signing and exchange of this treaty, the Com- 
pany's troops shall be recalled to the Fort of Commamet, from 
whence they shall also retire into their own Circars, so soon as 
the Soobah, with his army, has crossed the Krishna, leaving the 
Fort of Commamet to the Soobah's deputy. And as a farther 
proof of the Company's sincere desire to preserve a friendship 
with the Soobah of the Deccan, they agree to bury in oblivion 
what is past, and to pay him annually, for the space of six years, 
to be computed from the 1st of January, 1768, or the 10th of 
the moon Shibaun, in the year of the Hijree 1181, the sum of 
two lakhs of Arcot rupees, at Madras or Masulipatam — that is to 
say, one lakh on the 31st of March, and also one lakh on the 31st 
of October, or two lakhs every year, and one lakh more at each of 
these periods, whenever the Circar of Condavir is put into the 
Company's possession. The Company, moreover, promise that 
if they peaceably possess the Circars, during the aforesaid term 
of six years, and the Soobah gives them no trouble, they will 
pay annually, from the 1st of January, 1774, the sum of five lakhs, 
in two equal payments as before expressed, or of seven lakhs, if 
Condavir be then in their possession ; but in case the Soobah, or 
the Mahrattas, by his instigation, should invade the Circars or 
Carnatic, or they or any other power should conquer the Circars 
from the English Company, the payment of the said sums shall 
be suspended till peace, and the Circars are restored to the 

Art. 6. — It was stipulated in the former treaty made at 



Hyderabad that the Company and the Soobah should mutually Appendix 
assist each other with their troops when required, and their own . A j 
affairs would permit ; but it being apprehended, at present, that 
such an agreement may subject both parties to difficulties, and 
that misunderstandings may arise on that account, it is now 
agreed only that a mutual peace, confidence, and friendship 
shall subsist for ever between the English Company, his High- 
ness Asoph Jah, and the Nuwab Walla Jah ; the enemies of either 
shall be regarded as the enemies of the other two powers, and 
the friends of either be treated as the friends of all ; and in case 
any troubles should arise, or any enemies invade the countries 
under the government of either of the contracting parties, the 
other two shall give no countenance»or assistance to such enemies 
or invaders. The Company and the Nuwab Walla Jah, willing, 
however, to show their voluntary attachment to the Soobah, will 
always be ready to send two battalions of sepoys and six pieces 
of artillery, manned by Europeans, whenever the Soobah shall 
require them and the situation of their affairs will allow of such 
a body of troops to march into the Deccan, provided the Soobah 
pays the expense during the time that the said troops are 
employed in his service. 

Art. 7. — The exalted and illustrious Emperor Shah Allum, 
having been pleased, out of his great favour and high esteem 
for the Nuwab Walla Jah, to give and grant to him and to his 
eldest son,Moyen-ool-MoolkOomdut-ool-Oomrah,and their heirs 
for ever, the government of the Carnatic Payeen Grhaut, and the 
countries dependent thereon, by his royal firman, bearing date 
the 26th of August, 1765, or the 27th of the moon Zuphur, in 
the sixth year of the said emperor's reign; and the Nuwab 
Asoph Jah Nizam-ool-Moolk, &c, having also, out of his affec- 
tion and regard for the said Nuwab Walla Jah, released him, his 
son Moyen-ool-Moolk, &c, and their heirs in succession for ever, 
from all dependence on the Deccan, and given him a full dis- 
charge of all demands, past, present and to come, on the said 
Carnatic Payeen Ghaut, by a sunnud, under his hand and seal, 
dated the 12th of November, 1776, in consideration of the 
said Nuwab Walla Jah having paid the Soobah five lakhs of 



Appendix rupees, it is now agreed and acknowledged by the said Asoph Jah 
>■ A ' Nizam-ool-Moolk, that the said Nuwab Walla Jah, and after him 
his son Moyen-ool-Moolk, and their heirs in succession, shall 
enjoy for ever as an ultumgan, or free gift, the government of 
the Carnatic Payeen Grhaut, in the fullest and amplest manner, 
the said Nuwab Asoph Jah promising and engaging not to hold 
or keep up any kind of correspondence with any person or per- 
sons in the said Carnatic Payeen Grhaut, or in the Circars before 
and now ceded to the English Company, except the said Nuwab 
Walla Jah or the said English Company, by the means of their 
Eesident and council of Madras ; who, on their part, in conjunc- 
tion with the said Nuwab Walla Jah, engage likewise not to hold 
or maintain any correspondence with any person or persons in 
the Deccan, except the Nuwab Asoph Jah, his Dewan, and the 
securities, whose names are hereunto subscribed. 

Art. 8. — The Nuwab Asoph Jah, out of his great regard and 
affection, and from other considerations, having been pleased to 
grant and confer on the Nuwab Walla Jah, and his eldest son, 
Moyen-ool-Moolk Oomdut-ool-Oomrah, several sunnuds, viz. : — 

An ultumgan sunnud for the whole of the Carnatic. 

An ultumgan sunnud for the whole of the Pergunnah Imun- 
gundela, with the Chumpoora. 

An ultumgan sunnud for the whole of the villages of Catha- 
sera, &c. 

An ultumgan sunnud for the killeedaree of the Fort of Colaur. 

An ultumgan sunnud for the whole of the district of Sone- 
daupe ; and a full and ample sunnud containing a discharge 
for all demands past, present, and future, on account of the 
Carnatic, &c. 

It is hereby agreed that all and every one of these sunnuds j 
shall be regarded equally binding with any other article of the 
treaty, and be as duly observed by the Nuwab Asoph Jah as if 
entered here at full length. 

Art. 9. — Hyder Naique having, for some years past, usurped the 
government of the Monsore country, and given great disturbances 
to his neighbours by attacking and taking from many of them 



their possessions, and having also lately invaded, and laid waste Appendix 
with fire and sword the possessions of the English Company and » _ A ' ^ 
the Nuwab Walla Jah in the Carnatic, it is certainly necessary 
for their pea^ce, and for the general benefit of all the neighbour- 
ing powers, that the said Naique should be punished and reduced 
so that he may not hereafter have the power to give any person 
further trouble ; to this end the Nuwab Asoph Jah hereby de- 
clares and makes known to all the world, that he regards the 
said Naique as a rebel and usurper, and, as such, divests him 
of, and revokes from him, all sunnuds, honours, and distinctions 
conferred by himself, or any other Soobah of the Deccan, because 
the said Naique has deceived the Nuwab Asoph Jah, broken his 
agreement, and rendered himself unworthy of all farther coun- 
tenance and favours. 

Art. 10. — That the English Company may hereafter carry on 
their trade peaceably on the coast of Coromandel, and also on the 
coast of Malabar, and that they, with the Nuwab Walla Jah, may 
hold the Carnatic and their other possessions in peace, it appears 
necessary that the countries of Carnatic Balaghaut, belonging to 
the Soobehdaree of Viziapoor, now or lately possessed by Hyder 
Naique, should be under the management and protection of 
those who will do justice and pay obedience to the high com- 
mands from court : it is therefore agreed by the Nuwab Asoph 
Jah that he shall relinquish to the English Company all his right 
to the Dewanree of the said Carnatic Balaghaut, belonging to the 
Soobahdaree of Viziapoor, and that the Company shall present an 
arzee or petition to the royal presence to obtain from the Em- 
peror Shah Allum a firman confirming and approving their 
right thereto. But that the Nuwab Asoph Jah, as Soobah of the 
Deccan, may not lose his dignity or the revenue arising from the 
said countries, the English Company agree to pay him annually 
out of the Dewanree collection, from the time they are in posses- 
sion thereof, the sum of seven lakhs of Arcot rupees, including 
Durbar charges, being the sum annually paid heretofore, in two 
payments, at the space of six months from each other, provided 
the said Asoph Jah, Soobah of the Deccan, assists the said Com- 


Appendix pany and the Nuwab Walla Jah in punishing Hyder Naique, 
. _ A " and neither receives from nor sends either wukeels or letters to 

Art. 11. — As the English Company do not intend to deprive 
the Mahrattas of their chout any more than the Soobah of his 
peshcush, which used to be paid from the Carnatic Balaghaut, . 
belonging to the Soobahdaree of Viziapoor, now or lately pos- 
sessed by Hyder Naique, it is hereby agreed, and the Company 
willingly promise to pay the Mahrattas regularly and annually, 
without trouble, for the whole chout, as settled in former times, 
from the time the said countries shall be under the Company's 
protection as Dewan; provided, however, that the Mahrattas 
guarantee to the Company the peaceable possession of the said 
Dewanree ; to this end the Nuwab Asoph Jah promises to use his 
best endeavours, jointly with the English and the Nuwab Walla 
Jah, to settle with the Mahrattas concerning the chout of the 
said countries, how and where it is to be paid, so that there may 
be no disturbances hereafter on that account between any of the 
contracting parties or the Mahrattas. 

Art. 12. — All the foregoing articles are sincerely agreed to 
by the subscribing parties, who resolve faithfully to execute and 
abide by the same, so that a firm and lasting friendship may 
mutually subsist between them ; and while such an alliance 
subsists, what power will dare to disturb the possessions of either 
party ? The English Company and the Nuwab Walla Jah will 
endeavour on all occasions to show their friendship and attach- 
ment to the Nuwab Asoph Jah, Nizam-ool-Moolk, as Soobah of 
the Deccan, and look on the support of that government as the 
support of their own; in short, there will be no manner of 
difference in interest between them. 

In witness and confirmation of all the above articles, and 
every part of the aforesaid treaty, we whose names are under- 
written have interchangeably subscribed to and sealed three 
instruments of the same tenor and date, viz. : The President 
and Council of Fort St. George, on the behalf of the English 
East India Company at that place, this 26th day of February, 
in the year of the Christian era 1768 ; the Nuwab Asoph Jah, 



Soobah of the Deccan, at his camp, near Pillere, on the 22nd Appendix 

day of the moon Shavul, in the year of the Hijree 1181 ; and , . A ' , 

the Nuwab Walla Ja.h, for himself, at Fort St. G-eorge, the 7th 
day of the moon Shavul, in the 1181st year of the Hijree. 

N.B. — The names of the contracting parties were transposed 
in the parts kept by each of them, and each took the precedence 
by turn. 

The above contracting parties, to wit, the President and Coun- 
cil of Fort St. George, on behalf of the English East India 
Company ; the great Nuwab, high in station, Asoph Jah, Soobah 
of the Deccan ; and the Nuwab Walla Jah, Soobah of Mahommed- 
poor, having duly considered and voluntarily entered into the 
above articles, which they have respectively signed and sealed 
in our presence, we whose names are hereunto subscribed do 
solemnly promise and engage, under our hands and seal, that 
we will guarantee to the said English Company and the Nuwab 
Walla Jah the due and just observance of the above treaty, on 
the part of the Nuwab Asoph Jah. 


Charles Bourchier, 
Samuel Arley, 
John Call, 
G-eorge Stratton, 


James Bourchier, 
George Macket. 

The Seal of 

I take Grod to witness that of my 
own free will I am security. 



I swear by Vencatesh and Bail Ba- 
hadoor that of my own free will and 
consent I am security. 

The Seal of 







A< _ . I swear by Sactasha and Bail Ba- 
hadoor that I am truly and sincerely 

I swear by Vencatesh and Bail Ba- 
hadoor that of my own free will and 
consent I, Dundaveram, wukeel to 
Madhoo Kao, Pundit Purdhan, am 
security on the part of the said Ma- 
dhoo Eao. 

N.B. — The foregoing guarantee agreement was signed and 
executed by the guarantees subscribing the same, and annexed 
to the parts of the treaty delivered to the Company and the 
Nuwab ; and to the part delivered to Nizam Alee Khan the fol- 
lowing guarantee or agreement was fixed, viz. : 

The above contracting parties, to wit, the Great Nuwab, high 
in station ; Asoph Jah, Soobah of the Deccan ; the Nuwab Walla 
Jah, of Mahommedpoor ; and the President and Council of Fort 
St. Greorge, on behalf of the said English East India Com- 
pany, having duly considered and voluntarily entered into the 
above articles, which the said President and Council, on behalf 
of the said English East India Company, have signed and sealed 
in my presence, I, the said Nuwab Walla Jah, whose name is 
hereunto subscribed, do solemnly promise and engage, under 
my hand and seal, that I will guarantee to the said Nuwab 
Asoph Jah the due and just observance of the above treaty, on 
the part of the said English East India Company. 

Nuwab' s Seal. 

And we, the said President and Council of Fort St. Greorge, 
on behalf of the said English East India Company, do solemnly 
promise and engage, under our hands, that we will guarantee to 

The Seal of 

The Seal 




the said Nnwab Asoph Jah the due and just observance of the Appendix 

above treaty on the part of the said Nuwab Walla Jah. ^ , 

(Signed) Charles Bourciiier, 
Samuel Ardley, 
John Call, 
George Stratton, 
George Dawson, 
James Bourchier, 
George Mac key. 


Translation of a Sunnud, under the Soobah's seal, dated the 
22nd of the moon Shavul, 1181, equal to the \2th of March, 

Be it known to the Deshmookees, Deshpandias, Mookadums, 
husbandmen, &c, inhabitants of the Kajamundry, Ellore, Mus- 
taphanuggur, Murtezanuggur and Chicacole Circars, belonging 
to the Soobahship of Foukund, Booncand, Hyderabad, that 
ao*reeable to the firman of Shah Allum, Padshah Gazee, to 
the English East India Company, and my regard and friend- 
ship to them (the said English East India Company), I have 
again conferred upon them, by way of enam, for ever and 
ever, all and several of the above Circars, whole and entire, 
together with the fort and jagheer of Condapillee, in conse- 
quence of a treaty of friendship and alliance which has lately 
been concluded between me, the said Company, and Ameer- 
ool-Hind Walla Jah Bahadoor, and which was executed on the 
part of the said Company by the Governor and Council of 
Madras and on the part of Ameer-ool-Hind Walla Jah Baha- 
door, by himself, in the aforesaid place of Madras, the 7th 
of the moon Moorah, Hijree 1181, equal to the 26th of 
February, 1768 ; and by me, now in the encampment of my 
victorious army, near Pillere, this 22nd day of the moon 
Shavul, Hijree 1181. You, therefore, the whole of the said 
Deshmookees, Deshpandias, Mookadums, &c, look upon the 
said East India Company as your masters, and be in every re- 

R 2 



Appendix spect obedient to them, exerting yourselves in the payment to 
. _ A ' them of the proper revenues of the said Circars, at the fixed 
and stated times. 

Look upon this as a positive and absolute order, and obey it 
accordingly. Dated as above. 

On the back of the sunnud are the attestations of the Mu- 
tesuddees of the offices of Huzzoor, Mustouphy, and Dewan, and 
copies thereof have been registered in their books. 


Translation of a Sunnud, under the Soobah's sea 1 , dated the 
22nd of the moon Shavid, Hijree 1181, equal to the \2th of 
March, 1768. 

In these times the Dewanee of the Carnatic Balaghaut country, 
belonging to the Soobahship of Daurel, Zuphur Viziapoor, 
before or now possessed by Hyder Naique, with the whole of 
my right and title thereto, has been conferred upon the English 
East India Company, they, the said English East India Com- 
pany, engaging, after being in possession thereof, to pay annu- 
ally into my treasury (Durbar charges included) the sum of 
seven lakhs of rupees, nuzzur, or peshcush ; you, therefore, the 
zumeendars, both high and low, of the said Carnatic Balaghaut 
country belonging to the said Soobahship, live in due obedience 
to the said Company, paying them the proper revenues thereof, 
at the 'fixed and stated times. And whereas Hyder Naique is a 
rebel and usurper, I have therefore deprived him of all his 
honour and dignities : you are by no means, therefore, to pay 
any attention to his deputies or wukeels, but are to stop all cor- 
respondence, either with him or them. 

Look upon this as a positive and strict order. Dated as above. 

On the back of the sunnud, the petition from the Mute- 
suddees supposed to be presented is inserted, and the Mute- 
suddees of the several offices of Huzzoor, Dewan, and Mus- 
touphy, have attested that copies thereof have been registered 
in their books. 




Translation of a Sunnud, under the Soobah's seal, dated the Appendix 
2lst of the moon Shavul, Hijree 1181, equal to the Wth of s_ ^' 
March, 1768. 

In these times, agreeable to the high firman of Shah 
Allum, Padshan Grazee, the Dewanee Kockshigurry, and Meer 
Antushy of the Carnatic Payeen Grhaut and Balaghaut countries, 
from the banks of the river Krishna, towards Pulnaur, to the 
boundaries of Bombay (including the Malabar country), toge- 
ther with the whole of the forts, jagheerdars, zumeendars, polee- 
gars, killeedars, nisamdars, rozeenedars, &c., belonging thereunto, 
have been conferred, by way of enam ultumgan, whole and entire, 
without the participation of any one, upon Oomdut-ool-Oomrah 3 
Moyen-ool-Moolk, Assed-ool-Dowlah, Hoosain Alee Khan Baha- 
door, Zoolpheam Jung ; you therefore, our sons, brothers, 
officers, and mutesuddees of the Nizamship of the Deccan, and 
mootecophils of our affairs, both new and old, at present and 
to come, agreeable to the above firman and this sunnud, exert 
yourselves in the strengthening of this business, for ever and 
ever, delivering up the said countries from generation to gene- 
ration, and esteeming his as exempt and free from all displacing 
and removal, also acquitted and discharged from the whole of 
the demands of the Dewanee, &c. ; give him no trouble or mo- 
lestation whatever, either for the Soobehdaree or Foujdaree 
peshcush, or any other charges or expenses. 

Look upon this as an order, and by no means act in any- 
thing contrary to what is herein expressed, nor require a new 
sunnud every year. 


Teanslation of a Sunnud under the seal of the Soobah, dated 
the 21st of the moon Shavul Hijree 1181, equal to the Wth 
of March, 1768. 

Be it known to the Deshmookees, Deshpandias, husbandmen, 
and inhabitants of the district of Sundacope, belonging to the 

K 3 



Soobahship of Viziapoor, that the said district, agreeable to 
what is desired in the zimir, or back of the sunnud, has bet 
assigned over as an ultumgan to Siphi-ool-Moolk, Anwur-ood- 
Dowlah, Mahommed Anwur Khan Bahadoor, Hoosain Jung ; you 
will, therefore, live in true and just obedience to the Amuldur 
of the said Siphi-ool-Moolk, and pay the proper revenues at the 
fixed and stated times. 

Look upon this as an order, and act agreeable thereto. 


Translation of the Zimir, containing a petition, which is sup- 
posed to be presented by the Mutesuddees, and to have been : ; 
signed by the Soobah signifying his consent thereto. 

The form of the petition runs thus : — The wukeel of Walla 
Jah, Ameer-ool-Hind, begs that the district of Sundacope, whole 
and entire, may be conferred upon Siphi-ool-Moolk, Anwur-ood- 
Dowlah, Mahommed Anwur Khan Bahadoor, Hoosain Jung, by 
way of ultumgan, and that a sunnud for the same may be made 
out and signed by your Highness. Eespecting this we wait your 

The sunnud for the pergunnah of Imungundala (belonging to 
the Circar of Chumpoora), to Hoosain-ool-Moolk, Hemand-ood- 
Dowlah, Mahommed Abdoolla Khan Bahadoor, Heyabber Jung, 
runs the same as the former sunnud, excepting the term "whole" 
being inserted therein ; the date thereof is likewise the same as 
the other. . 


Translation of a Sunnud, under the Soobah's seal, dated the 
2\st of the moon Shavul, Hijree 1181, equal to the llth of 
March, 1768. 

Be it known to the Deshmookees, Deshpandias, husbandmen, 
and inhabitants of the pergunnah of Hewalee, Hyderabad, &c, 
Circar of Mahommednuzzer, of the Soobahship of Hyderabad, 
that the village of Cutkasera, belonging to the above pergun- 
nah, in the manner as is expressed on the back of this sunnud, 



has been assigned over, by way of ultumgan, to Ameer-ool-Hind Appendix 
Walla Jah, in order to defray the expenses of his father's tomb ; . A ' . 
you will, therefore, live in perfect and true obedience to the 
Amuldar of the said Walla Jah, paying them the proper revenues 
at the fixed and stated times. 

Look upon this as an order, and obey it accordingly. 

In the zimir, at the back of the sunnud, containing the sup- 
posed petition, the village of Cutkasera is mentioned, &c. 


Translation of a Discharge, under the Soobah's seal, dated the 
2nd of the moon Shavul, Hijree 1181, equal to the Wth of 
March, 1768. 

To the high in rank and station, our dear brother Walla Jah 
Ameer-ool-Hind. From the time that your father, Anwur-ood- 
Deen Khan Bahadoor, the martyr, held from the family of 
Asopheea the Soobahship of the Carnatic, and the Chicacole, 
Eajamundry, &c, Circars (belonging to the Soobahship of Foa- 
kund, Booncand, Hyderabad), to the time of his martyrdom, 
and from thence, during your time, till the present instant, and 
the date of this discharge, all accounts and demands of the 
Circar have been settled and forgiven, every pice and every 
cash ; and there remains now, under no pretence whatever, 
either to myself, my children, or brothers, as well for past, 
present, or future, any demands either upon you, your children, 
or heirs, on account of the Soobehdaree or Foujdaree peshcush, 
or the Dewanee Kockshigurry, Meer Athushy, &c, charges ; in 
proof of which I have written this paper by way of discharge, 
that it may hereafter appear. 


Translation of a Sunnud, under the Soobah's seal, dated the 
2lst of the moon Shavul, Hijree 1181, equal to the Wth of 
March, 1768. 

In these times the Killeedarship of the Fort of Chumpoora 

R 4 



Appendix (belonging to the Circar of that name, and dependent upon the 
. . A " . Soobahship of Hyderabad), together with the jagheer annexed 
thereto, and the troops belonging thereto, exempt from all 
chout, agreeable to what is mentioned in the zimir, or back of 
this sunnud, has been given and conferred, by way of ultumgan, 
to Naseer-ool-Moolk, Jutzain-ood-Dowlah, Mahommed Salabut 
Khan Bahadoor, Naseer Jung, that he the said Naseer-ool-Moolk, 
may not deviate in the least in the proper care and attention 
thereto, either in the furnishing or charging of provisions, or 
regulating the troops according to the established custom ; you, 
therefore, the zumeendars and Deshmookees, esteeming the said 
Naseer-ool-Moolk as invested with absolute powers in the Killee- 
darship, pay him the proper revenues at the fixed and stated 
times, and look upon him as entitled to the usual perquisites 
and advantages of the said fort. 

Esteem this as an order, and obey it accordingly. 

On the back of the sunnud is the petition, reciting the con- 
tents of the sunnud. 

The sunnud of the Killeedarship of the Fort of Calaur (belong- 
ing to trie Soobahship of Viziapore),toMuddur-ool-Moolk Rokun- 
ood-Dowlah, Haphiz Mahommed Munnowar Bahadoor, Bahadoor 
Jung, runs the same as that for the fort of Chumpoora (except- 
ing that the whole of the jagheer is mentioned in this) : the 
date is also the same as the other. 

The whole of the sunnuds are endorsed by the mutesuddees 
of the Dewanee, Mustouphee, and Huzzoor offices, and copies of 
all have been registered in their books. 


Treaty of Alliance with Bazalut Jung, 1779. 

Heads of a treaty of friendship and alliance between the 
Nuwab Ameer-ool-Oomrah, Suraj-ool-Moolk Bahadoor, and the 
Grovernor and Select Committee of Fort St. Greorge, in behalf 
of the English East India Company, 1779. 

Article 1. — The English Company agree to rent from the 
Nuwab Suraj-ool-Moolk Bahadoor, the Circar of Murtezanuggur, 



commonly called Gfuntoor, clear of sebundy, for whatever he Appendix 
now annually receives from it, as will appear by the accounts A ' _ . 
of collections of the Anmil now residing there. 

Art. 2.— We, the English Company, shall always have at heart 
the good and prosperity of the Nuwab Suraj-ool-Moolk. He 
shall dismiss from his service the French soldiers now with him. 
We will send him what troops he may want (the quota to be 
settled hereafter), who will remain with him constantly and 
obey his instructions. They are, however, only to be employed 
within the districts belonging to him, or for the defence of his 
country in case of an attack from a foreign enemy ; but these 
troops are on no account to be carried out of his country, or 
those of the zumeendars dependent upon him. If his affairs 
should at any time require his going to visit his brother, the 
Nuwab Nizam-ood-Dowlah Bahadoor, their troops shall attend 
him, and be always with him. 

Art. 3. — The expenses of their troops shall be regulated by 
the Company's custom ; and the accounts, having been signed 
by the Nuwab, shall be paid monthly from the rent of the Grun- 
toor Circar. The remainder of the rent shall be regularly 
remitted in Soucar bills to the Nuwab. In case of any improper 
behaviour or disrespect shown by the commanding officer, or 
any other European officer of our troops, upon representation 
being made to us by the Nuwab, we shall remove such officer 
and appoint another in his room. 

Art. 4. — If the Nuwab Suraj-ool-Moolk's territories be in- 
vaded by an enemy, we shall, besides the troops that are sta- 
tioned with him, send such a sufficient force as we can spare to 
his assistance. The ordinary and extraordinary expenses of such 
troops, whatever they may amount to, shall be paid agreeable to 
the Company's established customs by the Nuwab, who will sign 
the accounts. If any disputes arise between our soldiers and 
sepoys and the ryots and the servants of the Nuwab, punish- 
ment shall be inflicted by our officers on our men, agreeable to 
the English laws and customs. The English officers and their 
people shall not interfere with the servants and ryots of the 
Nuwab, and shall not protect or countenance them in any shape. 



Appendix In case of any dispute, where the Nuwab's people appear to be 
v . ^' _. , in the wrong, they shall be delivered up to him for punish- 

Art. 5. — The customary allowances of the zumeendars of the 
Gruntoor Circar, amounting annually to 5000 pagodas, shall 
continue as before. The fort and jagheer villages of Condavir 
shall remain under the management of the servants of the 
Nuwab ; but a garrison of English troops, as may be deemed 
necessary for the defence of the fort, shall be stationed with the 

Art. 6. — If the Company shall demand a body of horse 
from the Nuwab, he shall let them have a number according to 
his abilities, and the said cavalry shall be returned to him, and 
their expenses paid, as soon as the service for which they shall 
be required is finished. 

These articles we promise in general to fulfil on our part, until 
a more full and explicit treaty can be drawn out, which shall 
be drawn out as soon as possible. Witness our hands and the 
seal of the Company, in Fort St. Greorge, the 27th day of April, 




Ahmed- ood-Dowlah, 

Meer Mahommed Shureef Khan 

Bazalut Jung, 
the devoted Servant of his 
glorious Majesty, 
Shah Allum 




To all Deshmookees, Zumeendars, Deshpandias, and Tenants Appendix 

of the Circar of Murtezanuggur, commonly called Guntoor, » ,' ... 

be it written. 

The aforesaid Circar has at this time been given to the glory 
of merchants, the English Company, at a certain rent, com- 
mencing from the beginning of the year Fuslee, 1188. 

You are therefore to give your attendance on the Naibs of 
the aforesaid Company, and punctually pay to them the just 
revenue due to the Circar (Government). After this a fresh 
sunnud, setting forth the rent which is fixed upon, shall be 
granted, and you are to act agreeable thereto. Let this be 
punctually observed. — Dated 12th Mohurrum, in the 1193rd 
year of the Hijree. 


Translation of the Nizam's Order to Seyf Juno for the Surren- 
der of the Guntoor Circar to the Company, delivered to 
Captain Kennaway, the Resident at the Nizam's Durbar, the 
\8th September, 1788. 

At this time, Captain Kennaway, being come to the Presence, 
on the part of Lord Cornwallis, and having made a demand of 
the G-untoor, is charged with the settlement of affairs between 
his Highness and the English Company ; you are, therefore, 
immediately on receipt of this order, to deliver up the Circar 
in question to the servants of the Company without opposition, 
and with your jumma wansil bankee account, your own effects, 
and whatever is with you belonging to Grovernment, repair to 
the Presence. 

A true translation of what was delivered to Captain Kenna- 
way as a copy of the sealed order sent to him for Seyf Jung. 

(Signed) A. B. Edmonstone, 

Assistant to the Department. 



Appendix Copy of a Letter from Earl Cornwallis to the Nizam, deemed 
A ' , equal to a Treaty, written 7th July, 1789. 

Your Highness's letter, containing strong expressions of 
friendship, was presented to me by Meer Abool Cassim, and has 
afforded me the most inexpressible satisfaction. I have per- 
fectly understood all the matters entrusted to the verbal com- 
munication of Meer Abool Cassim, and the sincere and friendly 
sentiments which I have discovered your Highness to be im- 
pressed with towards me have induced me to show the confidence 
I place in your Highness's declaration by candid and explicit 
conversations with Meer Abool Cassim, on subjects of the highest 
importance ; and as they all of them have tendency to strengthen 
and increase our friendship, I shall communicate without re- 
serve to your Highness what has occurred to me relative to 

It was with no small concern I found, on my arrival in charge 
of the control of all the Company's affairs, that one of the even- 
tual and most essential points of the Treaty of Friendship 
and Alliance made in 1768, between your Highness and the 
Company, remained unexecuted on both sides, viz. : the surren- 
der of the Gruntoor Circar to the Company, and the regular 
discharge of your Highness's demand for the peshcush from the 
Company. Anxious, notwithstanding, that by urging the due 
performance of this article, I should not intrude on your High- 
ness while engaged in pursuits of importance, I postponed all 
negotiations on the subject until I was convinced that your 
Highness, uninterrupted by war, had full leisure to consider the 
propriety of the performance of this article of the treaty, and 
until you might have had sufficient opportunity to put implicit 
confidence in my assurances for the punctual discharge of the 
peshcush for the Northern Circars. I then deputed Captain 
Kennaway to your Highness's court, with instructions to make 
the demand of the Gruntoor Circar, by virtue of the Treaty of 


1768 ; to assure your Highness of my firm intention to discharge Appendix 
the balances, upon fair statement, due to your Highness on A - 
account of the peshcush, and to impress you with the sincerity 
of my intentions for its regular payment hereafter. 

I have already expressed my satisfaction at your Highness's 
immediate compliance to deliver up the Gruntoor Circar to the 
Company, and have assured your Highness of my firm intention 
to persevere in a strict system of faith to engagements ; and 
now, with such a proof of the sincerity of your Highness's friend- 
ship and good faith, I have, from a desire to testify to your 
Highness that I am impressed with similar sentiments, entered 
into a full discussion of every article with Meer Abool Cassim, in 
order that such parts of it as are undefined and bear an obscure 
and doubtful meaning may be so explained as shall preclude 
every necessity of future discussion, remove all grounds of 
misunderstanding, and give stability and permanency to that 
friendship which now subsists between us. 

In adopting this rule of conduct, I do no more than fulfil the 
intention of the King of England and the British nation, who, 
by the system lately established for the government of this coun- 
try, had in view the important end of giving efficacy to the 
existing treaties between the English and the powers of Hin- 
doosthan, and of securing a due performance thereof in future. 
This communication, I am persuaded, will fully satisfy your 
Highness of the propriety of my declining the proposal of Meer 
Abool Cassim for entering into a new security for the discharge 
of the peshcush by mortgaging a portion of the Circars, con- 
sidering, as I do, the faith of the English nation pledged for the 
due payment of it. 

In proof of the sincerity of my intentions that the treaty 
should be carried into full effect, I agree that in the sixth 
article of the treaty the words "whenever the situation of 
affairs will allow of such a body of troops to march into the 
Deccan," shall be understood to mean, that the force engaged 
for by this article, viz., two battalions of sepoys and six pieces 
of cannon, manned by Europeans, shall be granted whenever 
your Highness shall apply for it, making only one exception, 



Appendix that it is not to be employed against any power in alliance with 
> . A ' _^ the Company, viz., Pundit Purdhan Peishwa, Eaghojee Bhonsla, 
Mahadajee Scindia, and the other Mahratta chiefs, the Nuwab 
of Arcot, and Nuwab Vizier, Eajas of Tanjore and Travancore. 
That the battalions at present not defined in number, shall 
consist of not less than 800 men each. That the six field- 
pieces shall be manned with the number of Europeans which 
is usual in time of war. That the expense to be charged 
to your Highness shall be no more than the exact sum which it 
costs the Company to maintain a body of that force when em- 
ployed on service in the field, and that this expense be as per 
separate account. That this detachment shall march within 
two months, or sooner, if possible, after it is demanded, and 
your Highness shall be charged with the expense of it from the 
day it enters your Highness's territories until it quits them on 
its return to the Company's, with the addition of one month at 
the average calculation of the whole amount, in order to defray 
the charges the Company must necessarily incur to put such a 
force in a state fit for service. 

I have so fully discussed the articles of the treaty that relate 
to the Nuwab of Arcot and the Carnatic, on the representation 
of Meer Abool Cassim, that a mere reference to the articles 
themselves will inform your Highness of the full force of my 
arguments ; and although the long-existing friendship between 
the Nuwab and the Company might be urged as farther ground 
for declining the proposal of Meer Abool Cassim, his right to 
the possession of the Carnatic Payeen Grhaut is fully esta- 
blished and admitted by the seventh and eighth articles, and 
papers appertaining to them ; there can therefore be no necessity 
for troubling your Highness with other reasons. 

In regard to the articles relative to the Dewanee of the Carnatic 
Ballaghaut, your Highness must be well convinced that circum- 
stances have totally prevented the execution of these articles, 
and the Company are in the full enjoyment of peace with all 
the world ; but should it hereafter happen that the Company 
should obtain possession of the country mentioned in these 
articles, with your Highness's assistance, they will strictly per- 



form the stipulations in favour of your Highness and the Mah- Appendix 
rattas. Your Highness must be well assured that while treaties 
of peace and friendship exist with any chief, negotiations that 
tend to deprive that chief of any part of his possessions, im- 
proved on his part, must naturally create suspicions in his mind 
unfavourable to the reputation of your Highness and to the 
character of the Company, since the only grounds on which such 
negotiations could be carried on rest on a treaty existing upwards 
of twenty years, the execution of which is yet unclaimed, and 
since no provocation has hitherto been made to justify a breach 
in the present peaceable and amicable understanding between 
each other. 

As I am at all times desirous that such circumstances as carry 
with them impediment and hindrance to good order and govern- 
ment, without bearing the smallest advantage to either side, 
should be so changed as to produce the good effects expected 
from treaties, and as the affairs of both parties might suffer 
great injury from being excluded from corresponding with the 
other powers of the Deccan, I agree that, in future, either party, 
without a breach of treaty, shall be at liberty to receive or send 
wukeels to correspond with any -powers in the Deccan in such 
manner as may be expedient for the benefit of their own affairs, 
under the condition that the object of such intercourse or cor- 
respondence be not hostile to either of the governments. 

I have, in many instances, as well through Captain Kennaway 
as Meer Abool Cassim, and in the first part of this letter, declared 
my firm intention to execute the Treaty of 1768, and to live in 
perpetual amity and friendship with your Highness ; and your 
Highness will be convinced, from the explanations I have given 
to those articles in the treaty of ambiguous and obscure meaning, 
that I am earnestly desirous of the adjustment of every matter 
on grounds fair and liberal, but it is necessary, in consideration 
of the subjects of conversation with Meer Abool Cassim, that I 
should point out to your Highness, that unless just cause should 
be given for entering into new treaties, the laws of my country, 
the injunctions of the King and Company of England, as well 
as the faith and honour of the English, prohibit me from enter- 



ing into any negotiation to make new treaties ; and I have con- 
fined my conferences with Meer Abool Cassim to the explanatioi 
of that made in 1768, with a view to a more perfect executioi 
of it. On this account I have not judged proper to comply 
with, such requests as have been made by Meer Abool Cassim, 
that in any shape tend to alter the spirit of that treaty, 
farther agreement to impress your Highness with the propriety 
of this determination, is the sanction and support of his Ma- 
jesty and the Company of England to those measures that coin- 
cide with their instructions. I have mentioned this circumstance 
merely to assure your Highness of the strength of my asser- 
tions, and the value of my engagements, in regard to the 
Gruntoor Circar, and the other articles of the treaty ; and I trust 
that this clear explanation of the ambiguous articles of the 
treaty will render it effectual, and will afford your Highness a 
convincing proof of the Company's determination to adhere to 
the faith of it. 

Although I have not agreed to enter into a new treaty with 
your Highness through Meer Abool Cassim, for the reasons above 
assigned, yet your Highness, in consideration of the authority 
vested in me by the King and Parliament of England, will con- 
sider my letter, though merely purporting a clear explanation 
of the several articles in the Treaty of 1768, strong and efficient 
upon the English governments in India equally so as a treaty 
in due form could be, since the members of the Council have 
given their cheerful acquiescence to its contents. 

For further particulars of my sentiments I beg leave to refer 
your Highness to Meer Abool Cassim, whom I have considered, 
during this negotiation, as faithfully attached to your Highness, 
fully acquainted with your Highness's interests, and your most 
confidential servant, empowered to settle any agreement for the 
mutual benefit of the two governments. I have, accordingly, 
communicated to him without reserve all that has occurred to 
me on the subject of the elucidation of the Treaty of 1768, in 
the same manner as if your Highness were present ; neverthe- 
less, as your Highness's concurrence and approbation are neces- 
sary to give a final sanction to the articles discussed, I have 



thought proper to mention them in this letter. For the rest, Appendix 

your Highness may have the most assured confidence that I will s _ ^! ✓ 

most faithfully abide by all the engagements I have entered 
into on the part of the Company. 


Extract from the Journals of the House of Commons, 15° 

Martii, 1792. 

Eesolved, that it appears that Earl Cornwallis's letter, dated 
the 7th July, 1789, to the Nizam, was meant to have, and has 
had, the full force of a treaty executed in due form. 


Tripartite Treaty of 1790. 

Treaty of offensive and defensive alliance between the Hon- 
ourable United English East India Company, the Nuwab Asoph 
Jah Bahadoor, Soobehdar of the Deccan, and the Peishwa, 
Servoy Madhoo Eao Narrain Pundit Purdhan Bahadoor 
against Futtee Alee Khan, known by the denomination of Tippoo 
Sooltan, settled by Captain John Kennaway on the part of the 
said Honourable Company, with the said Nuwab Asoph Jah by 
virtue of the powers delegated to him by the Eight Honourable 
Charles, Earl Cornwallis, K.G., Governor-General in Council, 
appointed by the Honourable the Court of Directors of the said 
Honourable Company, to direct and control all their affairs in the 
East Indies. 

Article 1. — The friendship subsisting between the three states 
agreeable to former treaties, shall be increased by this, and 
between the Honourable Company and his Highness the Nizam, 
the three former treaties concluded with the late Salabut Jung, 
through Colonel Forde, in the year 1759, with the Nizam 
through General Calliaud in the year 1766, and the Treaty of 
1768 with the Madras Government, together with Lord Corn- 
wallis's letter of the 7th July, 1789, which is equivalent to a 




Atpendix fourth treaty, remain in full force, except such articles of thern 
^' as may, by the present treaty, be otherwise agreed to, and per- 
petual friendship shall subsist between both parties and their 
heirs and successors agreeably thereto. 

Art. 2. — Tippoo Sooltan having engagements with the three 
contracting powers, has notwithstanding acted with infidelity to 
them all, for which reason they have united in a league, that to 
the utmost of their power they may deprive him of the means 
of disturbing the general tranquillity in future. 

Art. 3. — This undertaking being resolved on, it is agreed 
that on Captain Kennaway's annunciation to the Nuwab Asoph 
.Tah of the actual commencement of hostilities between the 
Honourable Company's force, and the said Tippoo, and on Mr. 
Malet's announcing the same to Pundit Purdhan, in number 
not less than 25,000, but as many more and as much greater 
an equipment as may be, shall immediately invade the territories 
of the said Tippoo, and reduce as much of his dominions as 
possible before and during the rains, and after that season the 
said Nuwab and Pundit Purdhan will seriously and vigorously 
prosecute the war with the potent army, well appointed and 
equipped, with the requisite warlike apparatus. 

Art. 4. — If the Eight Honourable the (xovernor-G eneral should 
require a body of cavalry to join the English forces, the Nuwab 
Asoph Jah and Pundit Purdhan shall furnish to the number of 
10,000, to march in one month from the time of their being de- 
manded by the shortest and safest route with all expedition to 
the place of their destination, to act with the Company's forces ; 
but should any service occur practicable only by cavalry, they 
shall execute it, nor cavil on the clause of "to act with the 
Company's forces." The pay of the said cavalry to be defrayed 
monthly by the Honourable Company at the rate and on the 
conditions hereafter to be settled. 

Art. 5. — If in the prosecution of the war by the three allies, 
the enemy should gain a superiority over either, the others shall, 
to the utmost of their power, exert themselves to relieve the said 
party and distress the enemy. 

Art. 6. — The three contracting powers having agreed to enter 




into the present war, should their arms be crowned with success Appendix 
in the joint prosecution of it, an equal division shall be made of 
the acquisition of territory, forts, and whatever each Circar or 
government may become possessed of from the time of each 
party commencing hostilities ; but should the Honourable Com- 
pany's forces make any acquisitions of territory from the enemy 
previous to the commencement of hostilities by the other parties, 
those parties shall not be entitled to any share thereof. In the 
general partition of territory, forts, &c, due attention shall be 
paid to the wishes and conveniences of the parties relatively to 
their respective frontiers. 

Art. 7. — The underwritten poleegars and zumeendars, being 
dependent on the Nuwab Asoph Jah and Pundit Purdhan, it 
is agreed that on their territories, forts, &c, falling into the 
hands of any of the allies, they shall be re-established therein, 
and the nuzzeranna that shall be fixed on that occasion shall 
be equally divided amongst the allies. But in future the 
Nuwab Asoph Jah and Pundit Purdhan shall collect from them 
the usual peshcush and kundee which have been heretofore an- 
nually collected; and should the said poleegars and zumeendars 
act unfaithfully towards the Nuwab or Pundit Purdhan, or 
prove refractory in the discharge of their peshcush and kundee, 
the said Nuwab and Pundit Purdhan are to be at liberty to 
treat them as may be judged proper. The Chief of Saranoon is 
to be subject to service with both the Nuwab and Pundit Pur- 
dhan ; and should he fail in the usual conditions thereof, the 
Nuwab and Pundit Purdhan will act as they think proper. 

List of Poleegars and Zumeendars. 

Chittledroog. Heychungoondeh. 
Anagoondy. Cunnagheery. 
Henponelly. Kittoor. 
Billaree. Hannoor. 
Roydroog. The district of 

Abdool Hakim Khan, the Chief of Saranoon. 

Art. 8. — To preserve, as far as possible, consistency and con- 
cert in the conduct of this important undertaking, a wukeel from 

s 2 



Appendix each party shall be permitted to reside in the army of the others, 
A - for the purpose of communicating to each other their respective 
views and circumstances, and the representations of the con- 
tracting parties to each other shall be duly attended to, con- 
sistent with circumstances and the stipulations of this treaty. 

Art. 9. — After this treaty is signed and sealed, it will become 
incumbent on the parties not to swerve from its conditions at 
the verbal or written instance of any person or persons whatever, 
or on any other pretence ; and in the event of a peace being 
judged expedient, it shall be made by mutual consent, no party 
introducing unreasonable objections, nor shall either of the 
parties enter into any separate negotiations with Tippoo, but 
on the receipt of any advance or message from him by either 
party, it shall be communicated to the others. 

Art. 10. — If, after the conclusion of peace with Tippoo, he 
should attack or molest either of the contracting parties, the 
others shall join to punish him, the mode and conditions of effect- 
ing which shall be hereafter settled by the contracting powers. 

Art. 1 1 . — This treaty, consisting of eleven articles, being this 
day settled and concluded by Captain John Kennaway, with his 
Highness the Nuwab, Captain Kennaway has delivered to his 
Highness the Nuwab one copy of the same in English and 
Persian, signed and sealed by himself, and the Nuwab has 
delivered to Captain Kennaway another copy in Persian, exe- 
cuted by himself, and Captain Kennaway has engaged to pro- 
cure and deliver to the Nuwab, in sixty-five days, a ratified 
copy from the Governor- General, when the treaty executed by 
Captain Kennaway shall be returned. 

Signed, sealed, and exchanged at Paungul, on the 20th of 
Shavul, 1204 Hijree, or 4th July, 1790, E. S. 

Katified by the Govern or- General in Council, the 29th day of 
July, 1790. 


Tkeatt with the Nizam, with two separate Articles, 1798. 
An enlarged perpetual subsidiary treaty, between the Honour- 



able United English East India Company and his Highness the Appendix 
Nuwab Nizam-ool-Moolk Asoph Jah Bahadoor, Soobehdar of » _ ^' 
the Deccan, his children, heirs, and successors, settled by Capt. 
James Achilles Kirkpatrick by virtue of the powers delegated 
to him by the Right Honourable Richard Earl of Mornington, 
Knight of the most illustrious Order of St. Patrick, one of his 
Britannic Majesty's most Honourable Privy Council, Governor- 
General in Council, appointed by the Honourable Court of 
Directors of the said Honourable East India Company, to direct 
and control all their affairs in the East Indies. 

Whereas his Highness Nizam-ool-Moolk Asoph Jah Bahadoor 
has, from the greatness of existing friendship, expressed a desire 
for an increase of the detachment of the Honourable Com- 
pany's troops, at present serving his Highness, the Right 
Honourable Earl Mornington, Governor-General, has taken 
the proposals to that effect into his most serious consideration, 
and the present juncture of affairs, and the recent hostile con- 
duct and evil designs of Tippoo Sooltan, as fully evinced by his 
sending ambassadors to the Isle of France, by his proposing to 
enter into treaty, offensive and defensive, with the French Re- 
public, against the English nation, and by actually receiving a 
body of French troops into his dominions and immediate pay, 
rendering it indispensably necessary that effectual measures for 
the mutual defence of their respective possessions should be 
immediately taken by the three allied powers, united in a defen- 
sive league against the aforesaid Tippoo Sooltan. The aforesaid 
Grovernor-General, in consequence, empowered Captain James 
Achilles Kirkpatrick, Acting Resident at the court of his High- 
ness the Nizam, to enter, in behalf of the Honourable Company, 
into certain engagements with his Highness Nizam-ool-Moolk 
Asoph Jah Bahadoor, for a permanent increase of the Honourable 
Company's troops in his Highness's pay, in the proportion, and 
on the condition, specified in the following articles, which must 
be understood to be of full validity, when the treaty shall be 
returned, signed, and sealed, by the Governor-General. 

Article 1 . — Such parts of the letter from Earl Cornwallis to his 
Highness the Nizam, dated the 7th July, 1789, and which has 

s 3 


Appendix always been considered in the light of a treaty, as relate to the 
, _ At , stationing of troops with his Highness, are to be considered as 
in full force ; that is, the services of the new permanent sub- 
sidiary force are to be regulated precisely by the same restrictive 
clauses that operate on the present detachment, unless the 
Peishwa shall hereafter consent to any alterations in those con- 
ditions, and his Highness likewise approve of the same. 

Art. 2. — Agreeably to the practice in the Company's service, 
the new subsidiary force shall be subject to relief, either partial 
or entire, as often, and in such manner, as the Company's 
Government may require, provided, withal, that no diminution 
takes place, by such means, in the stipulated number to be 
stationed with his Highness. 

Art. 3. — The proposed reinforcement of subsidiary troops 
shall be in the pay of the State from the day of their crossing 
the boundaries. Satisfactory and effectual provision shall be 
made for the regular payment of this force, which, including 
the present detachment, is to amount to 6000 sepoys with 
firelocks, with a due proportion of field-pieces, manned by 
Europeans, and at the monthly rate of rupees 2,01,425. The 
yearly amount of subsidy for the aforesaid force for 6000 
men, with guns, artillerymen, and other necessary appurte- 
nances, is rupees 24,17,100. The said sum shall be completely 
discharged in the course of the year by four equal instalments ; 
that is, at the expiration of every three English months, the 
sum of rupees 6,04,275 in silver, of full currency, shall be issued, 
without hesitation or demur, from his Highness's treasury ; and 
should the aforesaid instalments happen to fall at any time the 
least in arrears, such arrears shall be deducted, notwithstanding 
objections thereto, from the current kist of peshcush payable 
to his Highness on account of the Northern Circars. Should it 
at any time so happen, moreover, that delay were to occur in 
the issue of the instalments aforesaid, at the stated periods, in 
such case assignments shall be granted on the collections of 
certain districts in the State, the real and actual revenue of 
which shall be adequate to the discharge of the yearly subsidy 
of the aforesaid force. 



Art. 4. — The duties on grain and all articles of consumption, Appendix 

as well as on all necessaries whatever, for the use of the new v. J — * 

subsidiary force, shall be commuted agreeably to the practice 
that obtained with the former detachment. A place likewise shall 
be fixed on as the head-quarters of the said force, where it shall 
always remain, except when services of importance are required 
to be performed ; and whenever either the whole or part of the 
said force is to be employed in the business of the State, a person 
of respectability, and who is a servant of this Circar, shall be 
appointed to attend it. The commanding officer and officers of 
the said subsidiary force shall be treated in all respects in a 
manner suitable to the greatness and dignity of both States. 

Art. 5. — The said subsidiary force will, at all times, be ready 
to execute services of importance ; such as the protection of the 
person of his Highness, his heirs, and successors, from race to race, 
and overawing and chastising all rebels or exciters of disturbance 
in the dominions of this State ; but it is not to be employed on 
trifling occasions, nor, like sebund} 7 , to be stationed in the 
country to collect the revenues thereof. 

Art. 6. — Immediately upon the arrival of the aforesaid 
subsidiary force at Hyderabad, the whole of the officers and 
Serjeants of the French party are to be dismissed, and the 
troops composing it so dispersed and disorganised, that no trace 
of the former establishment shall remain. And his Highness 
hereby engages for himself, his heirs, and successors, that no 
Frenchman whatever shall hereafter be entertained in his 
service, or in that of any of his chiefs or dependants, nor be 
suffered to remain in any part of his Highness's dominions; 
nor shall any Europeans whatever be admitted into the service 
of this State, nor be permitted to remain within its territories, 
without the knowledge and consent of the Company's Govern- 

Art. 7. — The whole of the European and sepoy deserters 
from the Company's service that may be in the French or any 
other party of troops belonging to this State, are to be seized 
and delivered up to the British Eesident ; and no persons of 
the above description are to be allowed refuge in future in his 

s 4 


Appendix Highness's territories, but are, on the contrary, to be seized 

> _^ . without delay, and delivered up to the British Eesident ; 

neither shall any refuge be allowed in the Company's terri- 
tories to sepoy deserters from the service of his Highness, 
who shall in like manner be seized and delivered up without 

Art. 8. — Whereas his Highness the Nizam, from considera- 
tions of prudence and foresight and with a view of avoiding 
manifold evils, has determined on dismissing the French from 
his service, and on dispersing and disorganising the troops 
commanded by them, as specified in the sixth article, and on 
entertaining a perpetual standing force of the Honourable 
Company's in their room, subject to the limitations and restric- 
tions prescribed by Earl Cornwallis's letter to his Highness the 
Nizam, mentioned in the first article, it is therefore hereby 
agreed, that with a view to the mutual benefit of his Highness 
and the Peishwa, and the happiness of their respective subjects, 
the Company's Government will use their best endeavours 
to have inserted, with the consent and approbation of both, in 
the new treaty, in contemplation between the three allied 
powers, such a clause as shall set each at ease with regard to 
the other. Should the Peishwa, however, not accede to a pro- 
posal so highly advantageous and profitable to both govern- 
ments, and differences hereafter arise between the two States, 
namely, that of the Nuwab Asoph Jah Bahadoor, and of Eao 
Pundit Purdhan, in such case the Company's government 
hereby engage, that interposing their mediation in a way 
suitable to rectitude, friendship, and union, they will apply 
themselves to the adjustment thereof, conformable to propriety, 
truth, and justice ; the Nuwab Asoph Jah Bahadoor accordingly 
hereby engages never to commit, on his part, any excess or 
aggression against the Circar of Eao Pundit Purdhan ; and in 
the event of such differences arising, whatever adjustment of 
them the Company's Government, weighing things in the scale 
of truth and justice, may determine upon, shall, without 
hesitation or objection, meet with full approbation and acqui- 



Art. 9. — All former treaties between the Honourable East Appendix 
India Company and the government of the Nuwab Asoph Jah v_ — r J — , 
and the Peishwa remain in full force. Should hereafter the 
Kao Pundit Purdhan express a desire to enter into subsidiary 
engagements similar to the present with the Honourable 
Company, the Nuwa,b Asoph Jah will most readily give his con- 

Art. 10. — This enlarged subsidiary treaty, consisting of ten 
articles, being this day settled by Captain James Achilles 
Kirkpatrick with the Nuwab Asoph Jah Bahadoor, Captain 
Kirkpatrick has delivered one copy hereof, in English and 
Persian, signed and sealed by himself, to the Nuwab, who on 
bis part has also delivered to Captain Kirkpatrick one copy of 
the same, duly executed by himself; and Captain Kirkpatrick 
hereby engages to procure and deliver to his Highness, in the 
space of fifty days, a ratified copy from the Grovernor-Greneral, 
in every respect the counterpart of the one executed by himself ; 
and on the delivery of such copy, which will then have become 
a full and complete instrument, the treaty executed by Captain 
Kirkpatrick shall be returned. In the meanwhile, no time 
shall be lost in writing for the advance of the proposed rein- 

Signed, sealed, and exchanged at Hyderabad, the 1st Sep- 
tember, Anno Domini 1798, or 19th Rubbee-ool-Awul, Anno 
Hegirae 1213. 


Separate Articles appertaining to the Treaty with the Nizam. 

Separate articles appertaining to the perpetual subsidiary 
treaty, concluded between the Honourable English East India 
Company and his Highness the Nuwab Asoph Jah Bahadoor, on 
the 1st September, Anno Domini 1798, or 19th Rubbee-ool- 
Awul, Anno Hegirae J 213. 

Whereas, in conformity to a wish expressed by his Highness 
the Nizam, the stipulation in the sixth article of the subsidiary 
treaty, respecting the delivering up of the French, is agreed to 


Appendix be made a separate one, his Highness hereby engages that after 
> _ A> _ ^ the arrival of the Company's troops at Hyderabad the whole of 
the French officers and soldiers in his service shall be appre- 
hended, in such way as Captain Kirkpatrick may point out, and 
be delivered up to him, or for a time be kept in confinement in 
a habitation belonging to the Circar, but in the custody of the 
Company's troops ; and upon the re-organisation of the party 
lately under the command of the aforesaid French officers, they, 
the said French officers and soldiers, shall, within the space of 
two months, be delivered up to the British Resident. Strict 
orders shall, moreover, be issued to all Talookdars on the fron- 
tiers, and to those in charge of all forts and passes, to seize any 
Europeans whatever attempting to pass their respective stations, 
and send them immediately, with all due precautions, prisoners 
to Hyderabad, where they shall be instantly delivered up to the 
British Resident. On the above condition it is hereby agreed 
that the Frenchmen thus delivered up shall not be considered 
as common prisoners of war, nor be in any respect maltreated. 
They shall be conveyed at the Company's expense, and with as 
little restraint as possible, to England, and from thence be sent, 
by the first favourable opportunity, to France, without being 
detained for a cartel or exchange of prisoners. Signed, sealed, 
and exchanged at Hyderabad, the 1st September, Anno Domini 
1798, or 19th Rubbee-ool-Awul, Anno Hegiras 1213. 

(Signed) J. A. Kirkpatrick, 

Acting Resident. 


Separate Article appertaining to the Perpetual Subsidiary 
Treaty, concluded between the Honourable English East 
India Company and his Highness the Nuwab Asoph Jah 
Bahadoor, on the 1st September, Anno Domini 1798. 

No correspondence on affairs of importance shall in future, 
on any account, be carried on with the Circar of Rao Pundit 



Purdhan, or with any of his dependants, either by the Nuwab Appendix 
Asoph Jah Bahadoor, or by the Honourable Company's Grovern- . A ' 
ment,, without the mutual privity and consent of both contract- 
ing parties ; and whatever transactions, whether of great or 
small import, may in future take place with the aforesaid Eao 
Pundit Purdhan, or his dependants, a reciprocal communica- 
tion of the same shall be made to the other contracting party, 
without delay and without reserve. 

Signed, sealed, and exchanged at Hyderabad, the 1st Sep- 
tember, Anno Domini 1798, or 19th Eubbee-ool-Awul, Anno 
Hegirse 1213. 

(Signed) J. A. Kiekpatrick, 

Acting Eesident. 


Partition Treaty of Mysore, 1799. 

Treaty for strengthening the alliance and friendship subsist- 
ing between the English East India Company Bahadoor, his 
Highness the Nuwab Nizam-ool-Dowlah Asoph Jah Bahadoor, 
and the Peishwa Eao Pundit Purdhan Bahadoor, and for 
effecting a settlement of the dominions of the late Tippoo 

Whereas the deceased Tippoo Sooltan, unprovoked by any act 
of aggression on the part of the allies, entered into an offensive 
and defensive alliance with the French, and admitted a French 
force into his army for the purpose of commencing war against 
the Honourable English Company Bahadoor, and its allies, 
Nizam-ool-Dowlah Asoph Jah Bahadoor, and the Peishwa Eao 
Pundit Purdhan Bahadoor ; and the said Tippoo Sooltan having 
attempted to evade the just demands of satisfaction and security 
made by the Honourable English Company and its allies for 
their defence and protection against the joint designs of the 
said Sooltan and the French, the allied armies of the Honourable 

* The Peishwa refused to accede to this treaty. 



Appendix English Company Bahadoor, and of his Highness Nizam-ool- 
y ^' _^ Dowlah Asoph Jah Bahadoor, proceeded to hostilities in vindica- 
tion of their rights, and for the preservation of their respective 
dominions from the perils of foreign invasion, and from the 
ravages of a cruel and relentless enemy. 

And whereas it has pleased Almighty God to prosper the just 
cause of the said allies, the Honourable English Company 
Bahadoor, and his Highness Nizam-ool-Dowlah Asoph Jah Baha- 
door, with a continual course of victory and success, and finally 
to crown their arms by the reduction of the capital of Mysore, 
the fall of Tippoo Sooltan, the utter extinction of his power, and 
the unconditional submission of his people. And whereas the 
said allies, being disposed to exercise the rights of conquest with 
the same moderation and forbearance which they have observed 
from the commencement to the conclusion of the late success- 
ful war, have resolved to use the power which it has pleased 
Almighty God to place in their hands, for the purpose of obtain- 
ing reasonable compensation for the expenses of the war, and 
of establishing permanent security and genuine tranquillity for 
themselves and their subjects, as well as for all the powers con- 
tiguous to their respective dominions ; wherefore a treaty for 
the adjustment of the territories of the late Tippoo Sooltan 
between the English East India Company Bahadoor and his 
Highness the Nuwab Nizam-ool-Dowlah Asoph Jah Bahadoor is 
now concluded by Lieutenant-General George Harris, Com- 
mander in Chief of the Forces of his Britannic Majesty and of 
the English East India Company Bahadoor, in the Carnatic and on 
the coast of Malabar, the Honourable Colonel Arthur Wellesley, 
the Honourable Henry Wellesley, Lieutenant-Colonel William 
Kirkpatrick, and Lieutenant-Colonel Barry Close, on the part 
and in the name of the Eight Honourable Richard, Earl of 
Mornington, K.P., Governor-General for all affairs, civil or 
military, of the British nation in India ; and by the Nuwab 
Meer Allum Bahadoor, on the part and in the name of his 
Highness the Nuwab Nizam-ool-Dowlah Asoph Jah Bahadoor, 
according to the undermentioned articles, which, by the blessing 
of God, shall be binding upon the heirs and successors of the 



contracting parties as long as the sun and moon shall endure, Appendix 
and of which the conditions shall be reciprocally observed by A ' - 
the said contracting parties. 

Article L — It being reasonable and just the allies and this 
treaty should accomplish the original objects of the war (viz. 
a due indemnification for the expenses incurred in their own 
defence, and effectual security for their respective possessions 
against the future designs of their enemies), it is stipulated and 
agreed that the districts specified in the Schedule A. hereunto 
annexed, together with the heads of all the passes leading from 
the territory of the late Tippoo Sooltan to any part of the pos- 
sessions of the English East India Company Bahadoor, of its 
allies, or tributaries, situated between the Ghauts on either 
coast, and all forts situated near to, and commanding the said 
passes, shall be subjected to the authority, and be for ever 
incorporated with the dominions of the English East India 
Company Bahadoor, the said Company Bahadoor engaging to 
provide effectually, out of the revenues of the said districts, for 
the suitable maintenance of the whole of the families of the 
late Tippoo Sooltan, and to apply to this purpose, with the reser- 
vation hereinafter stated, an annual sum of not less than two 
lakhs of star pagodas, making Company's share as follows : — 

Estimated value of districts enumerated in the Schedule A., according 

to the statement of Tippoo Sooltan, in 1792, canterai pagodas . 7,77,170 

Deduct provision for the families of Hyder Alee Khan, and of Tippoo 

Sooltan, two lakhs of star pagodas in canterai pagodas . . 2,40,000 

Remains to the East India Company ..... 5,37,170 

Art. 2. — For the same reason stated in the preceding articles, 
the district specified in the Schedule B. annexed hereunto, shall 
be subjected to the authority, and for ever united to the domi- 
nions of the Nuwab Nizam-ool-Dowlah Asoph Jah Bahadoor, 
the said Nuwab having engaged to provide liberally, from the 
revenues of the said districts, for the support of Meer Kummer- 
ood-Deen Khan Bahadoor, and of his family and relations, and 
to grant him for this purpose a personal jagheer in the district of 
Gurrumcondah, equal to the annual sum of rupees 2.10,000, or 



Appendix of 70,000 canterai pagodas, over and above, and exclusive of a 
. ^' jagheer, which the said Nuwab has also agreed to assign to the 
said Meer Kummer-ood-Deen Khan, for the pay and mainte- 
nance of a proportionate number of troops to be employed in the 
service of his said Highness, making the share of his Highness 
as follows : — 

Estimated value of the territory specified in Schedule B., according to 
' the statement of Tippoo Sooltan, in 1792, canterai pagodas . . 6,07,332 

Deduct personal jagheer to Meer Kummer-ood-Deen Khan, 2,10,000r. or 70,000 

Remains to the Nuwab Nizam-ool-Dowlah Asoph Jah Khan Bahadoor 5,37,332 

Art. 3. — It being further expedient for the preservation of 
peace and tranquillity, and for the general security, on the 
foundations now established by the said Company Bahadoor, it 
is stipulated and agreed that the said fortress, and the island on 
which it is situated (including the small tract of land, or island, 
lying to the westward of the main island, and bounded on the 
west by a nullah, called the Mysore nullah, which falls into the 
Canvery near Chenagal Grhaut) shall become part of the domin- 
ions of the said Company, in full right and sovereignty for 

Art. 4. — A separate government shall be established in 
Mysore ; and for this purpose it is stipulated and agreed that 
the Maharaja Mysore Kishna Raja Oodiaver Bahadoor, a 
descendant of the ancient Eajas of Mysore, shall possess the 
territory hereinafter described, upon the conditions hereinafter 

Art. 5. — The contracting powers mutually and severally agree 
that the districts specified in Shedule C, hereunto annexed, 
shall be ceded to the said Maharaja Mysore Kishna Raja, 
and shall form the separate government of Mysore, upon the 
conditions hereinafter mentioned. 

Art. 6. — The English East India Company Bahadoor shall 
be at liberty to make such deductions, from time to time, from 
the sums allotted by the first article of the present treaty for 
the maintenance of the families of Hyder Alee Khan and Tippoo 
Sooltan, as may be proper, in consequence of the decease of any 



member of the said families ; and in the event of any hostile Appendix 
attempt on the part of the said family, or of any member of it, A ' . 
against the authority of the contracting parties, or against the 
peace of their respective dominions or the territories of the 
Eaja of Mysore, then the said English East India Company 
Bahadoor shall be at liberty to limit or suspend entirely the 
payment of the whole or any part of the stipend hereinbefore 
stipulated to be applied to the maintenance and support of the 
said families. 

Art. 7. — -His Highness the Peishwa Eao Pundit Purdhan 
Bahadoor shall be invited to accede to the present treaty, and 
although the said Peishwa Eao Pundit Purdhan Bahadoor has 
neither participated in the expense or danger of the late war, 
and therefore is not entitled to share any part of the acquisitions 
made by the contracting parties (namely, the English East 
India Company Bahadoor and his Highness the Nuwab Nizam- 
ool-Dowlah Asoph Jah Bahadoor), yet, for the maintenance of 
the relations of friendship and alliance between the said Peishwa 
Eao Pundit Purdhan Bahadoor, the English East India Com- 
pany Bahadoor, his Highness the Nuwab Nizam-ool-Dowlah 
Asoph Jah Bahadoor, and Maharaja Mysore Kishna Eaja Baha- 
door, it is stipulated and agreed that certain districts specified in 
Schedule D., hereunto annexed, shall be reserved, for the purpose 
of being eventually ceded to the said Peishwa Eao Pundit 
Purdhan Bahadoor, in full right and sovereignty, in the same 
manner as if he had been a contracting party to this treaty ; 
provided, however, that the said Peishwa Eao Pundit Purdhan 
Bahadoor shall accede to the present treaty, in its full extent, 
within one month from the day on which it shall be formally 
communicated to him by the contracting parties ; and provided 
also, that he shall give satisfaction to the English East India 
Company Bahadoor, and to his Highness Nizam-ool-Dowlah 
Asoph Jah Bahadoor with regard to certain points now pending 
between him, the Peishwa Eao Pundit Purdhan Bahadoor, and 
the said Nuwab Nizam-ool-Dowlah Asoph Jah Bahadoor, and also 
with regard to such points as shall be represented to the said 
Peishwa, on the part of the English East India Company 



Appendix Bahadoor, by the Grovernor-Greneral or the British Resident at 

„ ^ - _ . the Court of Poona. 

Art. 8. — If contrary to the amicable expectation of the 
contracting parties, the said Peishwa Rao Pundit Purdhan 
Bahadoor shall refuse to accede to this treaty, or to give satis- 
faction upon the points to which the seventh article refers, then 
the right to, and sovereignty of the several districts herein- 
before reserved for eventual cession to the Peishwa Rao Pundit 
Purdhan Bahadoor, shall vest jointly in the said English East 
India Company Bahadoor, and the said Nuwab Nizam-ool-Dow- 
lah Asoph Jah Bahadoor, who will either exchange them with 
the Raja of Mysore for other districts of equal value, more 
contiguous to their respective territories, or otherwise arrange 
and settle respecting them as they shall judge proper. 

Art. 9. — It being expedient, for the effectual establishment 
of Maharaja Mysore Kishna Raja in the government of 
Mysore, that his Highness should be assisted with a suitable 
subsidiary force, it is stipulated and agreed, that the whole of 
the said force shall be furnished by the English East India 
Company Bahadoor, according to the terms of a separate treaty, 
to be immediately concluded between the said English East 
India Company Bahadoor and his Highness the Maharaja 
Mysore Kishna Raja Oodiaver Bahadoor. 

Art. 10. — This treaty, consisting of ten articles, being settled 
and concluded this day, the 22nd of June, 1799 (corresponding 
to the 17th of Mohurrune, 1214 Anno Hegiras), by the Lieute- 
nant-Greneral Greorge Harris, the Honourable Arthur Wellesley, 
the Honourable Henry Wellesley, Lieutenant-Colonel William 
Kirkpatrick, and Lieutenant-Colonel Barry Close, have delivered 
to Meer Allum Bahadoor one copy of the same, signed and 
sealed by themselves ; and Meer Allum Bahadoor has delivered 
to Lieutenant-Greneral George Harris, the Honourable Colonel 
Arthur Wellesley, the Honourable Henry Wellesley, Lieutenant- 
Colonel William Kirkpatrick, and Lieutenant-Colonel Barry 
Close, another copy of the same, sealed by himself; and Lieu- 
tenant-Greneral Greorge Harris, the Honourable Colonel Arthur 
Wellesley, the Honourable Henry Wellesley, Lieutenant-Colonel 



William Kirkpatrick, and Lieutenant-Colonel Barry Close, Appendix 
and Meer Allum Bahadoor, severally and mutually engage, that . A " _ , 
the said treaty shall be respectively ratified by the Eight 
Honourable the Governor-General under his seal and signature, 
within eight days from the date hereof, and by his Highness the 
Nuwab Nizam-ool-Dowlah Asoph Jah Bahadoor, within twenty- 
five days from the date hereof. 



Eatified at Hyderabad, by his Highness the Nizam, on the 
13th day of July, Anno Domini 1779. 

(Signed) J. A. Kirkpatrick, 


Schedule A. 
The Company's Share. 
The following districts from Nuggur or Bidmore : — 

C. Pagodas. Fan. C. C. Pagodas. Fan. Ci 

Korial (Mangalore) Bekul and Neliserain . 1,33,662 1\ 

Karkul . . . . 11,393 2± 

Barkoo ..... 48,389 8£ 

Khooshalpore . . . . 26,361 7^ 

Bulkul 9,177 Oi 

Gairsopha 9,192 0^ 

Hunavur (Ouore) . • . . . 17,482 9£ 

Mirjaun 8,953 4^ 

Anoolah, Punchmahl, and Shedasooghur (or 

Soonda Payeen Ghaut) . . . 28,332 2 

2,92,945 21 

Bhilghuy ..... 18,929 4£ 

Coimbatoor, &c. : — 

C. Pagodas. Fan. C. C. Pagodas. Fan. C. 

Coimbatoor . • . . . 80,000 p 

Danaigincotali .... 35,000 
VOL. I. T 



APPENDIX C. Pagodas. Fan. C. C. Pagodas. Fan. C. 

Cheoor • . . . , 


Chinjeny . 


Darapoor, Chuckerghery 




Undoor . 


Perondoora .... 


Vizimungal (Aravarcourchy) 


Errode . ft . 




Coodgully .... 





Wynaad (from Ahmednuggur Chickloor) from Talooks belong- 
ing to Seringapatam : — 

Panganoor . 

Suttikal, Alambady, and Kodalmlly 

Decanicotah and Ruttungeery 
Ankusgusgeery and Solageree 

Talmulla and Talwoddy (two Talooks 


Deduct provision for the maintenance of the 
families of Hyder Alee Khan and Tippoo 
Sooltan, star pagodas, 2,00,000 

Remains to the Company 

C. Pagodas. Fan. C. C. Pagodas. Fan. C. 









7,77,170 6| 

5,37,170 6| 

Grooty : — 

Fyze Hussur Kubal . 
Kona Koomlah 

Wurjur Kurroor 
Yursutty Murajcherroo 
Riem Rapah 

Schedule B. 
The Nizam? 8 Share. 

C. Pagodas. Fan. C. C. Pagodas. Fan. C. 




8,998 1 






Praralli Munniraong 
Mul Kaira Kooboo . 

Kongoor (remainder of) 
Kunehundgoondy (remainder of ) 
Of Griirrumconda, all districts not ceded 

. Pagodas. Fan. 
9,426 3 
8,951 8 





C. C. Pagodas. Fan. C. 



1792 . ^ . . 


Puttungherry (from Seringapatam) . 


Eydroog (6 Talooks) 


Kurnool Peshcush .... 


From Chittledroog Jerrimulla (1 Talook) . 




Deduct a personal jagheer to Kummer-ood- 

Deen Khan and relations . 


Remains to the Nizam 



Schedule C. 

Districts ceded to Maharaja Kishna Raja Oodiaver Bahadoor 

Talooks belonging to Seringapatam : — 

C. Pagodas. 



Puttun Attorkrun .... 


Mysore Attorkrun or Rehmut 1 


Nazeer . - . .J 

Nuzzer Bar ..... 




Periapatan ..... 


Muddoor ..... 


Hetghur Dewancotah 


Betudapoor . . 


Tyoor . . 


Yellandoor ..... 


Malwelly (Yulinahbad) 


Tulkar Sosilah .... 


Nursipoor ... 


C. Pagodas. Fan. C. 

T 2 




A. Yertoorah .... 
' 1 ' Bailoor .... 

Arkulgoor .... 
Chinipatam .... 
Bullum (Mungizabad) 
Hussen .... 
Honawully .... 
Nagmungul .... 
Belloor . 
Maharage Droog 

Gram .... 
Kamgheery .... 
Turkarumb .... 
Abnmdnuggur Chickloor 

Tornoy Khaira 

Coonydghul .... 

Kairkaira .... 
Cbennyputtan • 
Nooggairly . 

Mairlatesh and Kismagepoor 

Bonorawar, G-uradungilly, and Hanenhelly 
Boodihall .... 
Nidghul .... 
Pasgbur .... 
Hagulwary .... 

Bangalore .... 
Magry .... 
Mudgeny .... 
Coorjgberry .... 

Cbankanbelly . ... 

Nulwang and Doorbillah 


Byroodroog .... 
Hyboor .... 
Dewanbelly .... 
Ootradroog .... 
Toomkoor and Deoroy 
Nidgegul and Macklydroog . 
Kundy Keera and Clmllnaighelly . 
Chota Balapoor 

C. Pagodas. Fan. 





- 12,100 
























1 A AAA 



















C. Pagodas. Fan. C. 

4,60,811 9 







Serra (remainder of) 

Serra and Amrapoor 
Hoosutta . ... 
Burra Balapoor 

C. Pagodas. Fan. C. C. Pagodas. Fan. C. APPENDIX 

80,000 A. 

13,000 * ' ' 

8,134 4 

7,129 7£ 
3,17,509 1± 

C. Pagodas. Fan. C. 




C. Pagodas. Fan. C. 


Nuggur above (xhaut 

C. Pagodas. 



Kusbah .... 




Coolydroog .... 




Koompsee .... 



Kope .... 




Wasthara .... 



Eckairy and Sagur . 




G-hooty (Hoably) 









Shikarpoor .... 






Lakouly Danwass 




Oodgunny .... 



Jinioga .... 







Biddery .... 




Chingeery Beswapatam 




Turry Keerah 




Azimpor .... 




Chittledroog (remainder of) a 

12 Talooks : 

C. Pagodas. 



Kusbah .... 



Beem Sumendar 




Doodiary .... 



Husdroog .... 




Muttoor .... 




Murkaul Murroo 




Tullick .... 



Barm Sagur .... 



C. Pagodas. Fan. C. 

-3,02,417 6 6 

C. Pagodas. Fan. C. 

t a 



t A. 

C. Pagodas. Fan. C. C. Pagodas. Fan. C. 

Kunkopah ..... 12,542 0£ 2 

Bilchoor ..... 10,683 1^ 2 

Hinoor ..... 10,010 2 

Goodycottah. . . . . 11,330 5^ 3 

1,48,583 11 9 

Deduct two Pergunnahs of Hurdunhilly, viz. 1 

Talman and Talwaddy, including in the J- 5,000 
Company's share 

Canterai pagodas 13,74,076 

Schedule D. 
The PeishwcCs Share, 

C. Pagodas. Fan. C. C. Pagodas. Fan. C. 

Harponelly (6 Talooks) . . . 1,10,030 8f 

Soonda (aboye the Ghauts) . . . 59,377 

Anagoondee . . , . . 60,101 

From Chittledroog, two Talooks, viz. : — 

C. Pagodas. Fan. C. C. Pagodas. Fan. C. 
Holubkaira ..... 11,425 4| 
Mycoonda . . . . 12,226 9| 

23,652 3 

From Bidnore, one Talook, viz. : — 

C. Pagodas. FaD. C. C. Pagodas. Fan. C. 
Hurryhur ..... 10,796 

Canterai pagodas 263,957 3| 

Eatified at Hyderabad by his Highness the Nizam, on the 
13th day of July, Anno Domini 1799. 

(Signed) J. A. Kirkpatrick, 



Separate Articles of the Treaty with the Nizam. 

Separate articles appertaining to the Treaty of Mysore, con- 
cluded on the 22nd of June, 1799 (corresponding to the 1 7th 



of Mohurrum, Anno Hegirge 1214), between the Honourable Appendix 
English East India Company Bahadoor, and the Nuwab Nizam- . _ A ' , 
ool-Dowlah Asoph Jah Bahadoor. 

Article 1. — With a view to the prevention of future alterca- 
tions, it is agreed between his Highness the Nuwab Nizam-ool- 
Dowlah Asoph Jah Bahadoor, and the Honourable English East 
India Company Bahadoor, that to whatever amount the sti- 
pends appropriated to the maintenance of the sons, relations, 
and dependants of the late Hyder Alee Khan and Tippoo Sooltan, 
or the personal jagheer of Meer Kummer-ood-Deen Khan, shall 
hereafter be diminished, in consequence of any one of the 
stipulations of the Treaty of Mysore, the contracting parties 
shall not be accountable to each other on this head. And it is 
further agreed between the contracting parties that, in the 
event provided for by the eighth article of the Treaty of Mysore, 
two-thirds of the share reserved for Eao Pundit Purdhan shall 
fall to his Highness the Nuwab Nizam-ool-Dowlah Asoph Jah 
Bahadoor, and the remaining third to the Honourable English 
East India Company Bahadoor. 


Ratified at Hyderabad by his Highness the Nizam, on the 
13th day of July, Anno Domini 1799. 




Treaty with the Nizam dated the \2th of October, 1800. 

Treaty of Perpetual and General Defensive Alliance be- 
tween the Honourable the English East India Company and his 
Highness the Nuwab Nizam-ool-Dowlah Asoph Jah Bahadoor, 

T 4 



Appendix Soobehdar of the Deccan, his children, heirs, and successors ; 

.._ A ' , settled by Captain James Achilles Kirkpatrick, Resident at the 
court of his Highness, by virtue of the powers delegated to 
him by the Most Noble Eichard Marquis Wellesley, most 
honourable Privy Council, Governor-General in Council, ap- 
pointed by the Honourable the Court of Directors of the said 
Honourable Company, to direct and control all their affairs 
in the East Indies, and Governor-General in Council of all the 
British possessions in the East Indies. 

Whereas, by the blessing of God, an intimate friendship and 
union have firmly- subsisted, for a length cf time, between the 
Honourable English East India Company and his Highness 
the Nuwab Nizam-ool-Dowlah Asoph Jah Bahadoor, and have 
been cemented and strengthened by several treaties of alliance, 
to the mutual and manifest advantage of both powers, who, 
with uninterrupted harmony and concord, having equally shared 
the fatigues and dangers of war and the blessing of peace, are, 
in fact, become one and the same in interest, policy, friendship, 
and honour. The powers aforesaid adverting to the complexion 
of the times, have determined on principles of precaution and 
foresight, and with a view to the effectual preservation of con- 
stant peace and tranquillity, to enter into a general defensive 
alliance, for the complete and reciprocal protection of their 
respective territories, together with those of their several allies 
and dependants, against the unprovoked aggression or unjust 
encroachments of all or of any enemies whatever. 

Article 1.— The peace, union, and friendship so long subsist- 
ing between the two States shall be perpetual, the friends and 
enemies of either shall be the friends and enemies of both ; and 
the contracting parties agree, that all the former treaties and 
agreements between the two States, now in force, and not 
contrary to the tenor of this engagement, shall be confirmed 
by it. 

Art. 2. — If any power or state whatever shall commit any 
act of unprovoked hostility or aggression against either of the 
contracting parties, or against their respective dependants or 
allies, and after due representation shall refuse to enter into 



amicable explanation, or shall deny the just satisfaction or Appendix 
indemnity which the contracting parties shall have required, A " 
then the contracting parties will proceed to concert and prose- 
cute such further measures as the case shall appear to demand. 

Art. 3. — For the more distinct explanation of the intent and 
effect of this agreement, the Grovernor-Greneral in Council, on 
behalf of the Honourable Company, hereby declares that the 
British Government will never permit any power or state what- 
ever to commit with impunity any act of unprovoked hostility 
or aggression against the rights or territories of his Highness 
the Xizam, but will, at all times, maintain the same, in the 
same manner as the rights and territories of the Honourable 
Company are now maintained. 

Art. 3.* — With a view to fulfil this treaty of general defence 
and protection, his Highness the Nuwab Asoph Jah agrees that 
two battalions of sepoys, and one regiment of cavalry, with 
a due proportion of guns and artillerymen, shall be added, 
in perpetuity, to the present permanent subsidiary force of 
six battalions of sepoys, of 1000 firelocks each, and one regi- 
ment of cavalry, 500 strong (with their proportion of guns and 
artillerymen), so that the whole of the subsidiary force furnished 
by the Honourable East India Company to his Highness, shall 
henceforward consist of eight battalions of sepoys (or 8000 
firelocks) and two regiments of cavalry (or 1000 horse), with 
their requisite complement of guns, European artillerymen, 
lascars, and pioneers, fully equipped with warlike stores and 
ammunition ; which force is to be stationed, in perpetuity, in 
his Highness's territories. 

Art. 4. — The pay of the above-mentioned additional force 
shall be calculated at the rate of the pay of the existing subsidiary 
forces, and shall commence from the day of the entrance of the 
said additional force into his Highness's territories. 

Art. 5. — For the regular payment of the whole expense of 
the said augmented subsidiary force (consisting of 8000 in- 
fantry, 1000 cavalry, and their usual proportion of artillery), 
his Highness the Nuwab Asoph Jah hereby assigns and cedes 
to the Honourable Company, in perpetuity, all the territories 


Appendix acquired by his Highness, under the Treaty of Seringapatara 
A - , on the 18th March, 1792, and also all the territories acquired 
by his Highness under the Treaty of Mysore, on the 22nd June, 
1799, according to the Schedule annexed to this treaty. 

Art. 6. — Certain of the territories ceded by the foregoing 
article to the Honourable Company being inconvenient, from I 
their situation to the northward of the river Toombuddrah, 
his Highness the Nuwab Asoph Jah, for the purpose of ren-1 
dering the boundary line of the Honourable Company's pos-J 
sessions a good and well-defined one, agrees to retain the 
districts in question, namely, Copul, Gujjinderghur, and others 
(as marked in the annexed Schedule), in his own possession ; .] 
and, in lieu thereof, assigns and cedes, in full and in perpetuity, 
to the Honourable Company, the district of Adonee, together with 
whatever other territory his Highness may be possessed of, or 
is dependent on his Highness's Government, to the south of the 
Toombuddrah, or to the south of the Krishnah, below the junc- 
tion of those two rivers. 

Art. 7. — The territories to be assigned and ceded to the 
Honourable Company by the fifth article, or in consequence of 
the exchange stipulated in the sixth article, shall be subject to 
the exclusive management and authority of the said Company 
and of their officers. 

Art. 8. — Whereas the actual produce of a considerable por- 
tion of the districts ceded to the Honourable Company by 
article fifth, is ascertained and acknowledged to be greatly in- 
ferior to their nominal value, as specified in the Schedule 
annexed to this treaty, and the said districts cannot be expected, 
for a long course of years, to reach their said nominal value ; 
and whereas differences might hereafter arise between the con- 
tracting parties, with respect to the real value of the same, and 
the friendship and harmony happily subsisting between the 
contracting parties be disturbed by discussions relating to the 
adjustment of accounts of the produce and value of the said 
districts ; in order to preclude all causes of any such future 
difference or discussion between the two States, the said East 
India Company agrees to accept the said districts (with the 



reservation stated in the sixth article) as a full and complete Appendix 

satisfaction for all demands, on account of the pay and charges [ ^ , 

of the said subsidiary force, and therefore to whatever extent, 
or for whatever length of time, the actual produce of the said 
districts shall prove inadequate to the amount of the subsidy pay- 
able by his Highness, on account of the said subsidiary force, 
no demands shall ever be made by the Honourable Company 
upon the treasury of his Highness on account of any such defi- 
ciency, or on account of any failure in the revenues of the said 
districts, arising from unfavourable seasons, from the calamity 
of war, or any other cause, his Highness the Nizam, on his part, 
with the same friendly views, hereby renounces all claim to 
any arrears or balances which may be due to him from the 
said districts, at the period of their cession to the Honourable 
Company, and also to any eventual excess in the produce of 
the said districts, beyond the amount of the subsidy payable 
by his Highness, on account of the said subsidiary force, the 
true intention and meaning of this article being, that the 
cession of the said districts and the exchanges stipulated in 
the sixth article, shall be considered as a final close and ter- 
mination of accounts between the contracting parties, with 
respect to the charges of the said subsidiary force. 

Art. 9. — After the conclusion of this treaty, and as soon 
as the British Resident shall signify to his Highness Asoph Jah, 
that the Honourable Company's officers are prepared to take 
charge of the districts ceded by the fifth article, his Highness 
will immediately issue the necessary purwannahs, or orders, to 
his officers to deliver over charge of the same to the officers 
of the Company ; and it is hereby stipulated, and agreed that 
all collections made by his Highness's officers subsequent to the 
date of the said purwannahs, or orders, and before the officers 
of the Company shall have taken charge of the said districts, shall 
be carried to the account of the Honourable Company. 

Art. 10. — All forts situated within the districts to be ceded 
as aforesaid, shall be delivered to the officers of the Honourable 
Company, with the said districts ; and his Highness the Nuwab 
Asoph Jah engages that the said forts shall be delivered to 



Appendix the Honourable Company as nearly as possible in the same 
> . A ' state as that in which his Highness received them. 

Art. 11. — His Highness the Nuwab Asoph Jah will continue 
to pay the subsidy of the former subsidiary force, and also that 
of the additional troops, from his treasury, in the same manner 
as hitherto observed, until the Honourable East India Company's 
officers shall have obtained complete possession from his High- 
ness's officers of the country ceded to the said Company by the 
fifth article. The Company will not claim any payments of 
subsidy from his Highness's treasury, after their officers shall 
have obtained possession of the said districts from the officers of 
his Highness. 

Art. 12. — The contracting parties will employ all practicable 
means of conciliation to prevent the calamity of war ; and for 
that purpose will, at all times, be ready to enter into amicable 
explanations with other states, and to cultivate and improve the 
general relations of peace and amity with all the powers in 
India, according to the true spirit and tenor of this defensive 
treaty. But if a war should unfortunately break out between 
contracting parties and any other power whatever, then his 
Highness the Nuwab Asoph Jah engages that, with the 
reserve of two battalions of sepoys, which are to remain near 
his Highness's person, the residue of the British subsidiary force, 
consisting of 6000 infantry and 9000 horse of his Highness's 
own troops, making together an army of 12,000 infantry 
and 10,000 cavalry, with their requisite train of artillery, 
and warlike stores of every kind, shall be immediately put 
in motion, for the purpose of opposing the enemy; and his 
Highness likewise engages to employ every further effort in 
his power for the purpose of bringing into field, as speedily 
as possible, the whole force which he may be able to supply 
from his dominions, with a view to the effectual prosecution 
and speedy termination of the said war. The Honourable 
Company, in the same manner, engage on their part, in 
this case, to employ in active operations against the enemy 
the largest force which they may be able to furnish, over and 
above the said subsidiary force. 



Art. 13. — Whenever war shall appear probable, his High- Appendix 
ness the Nuwab Asoph Jah engages to collect as many benjarahs ^' . 
as possible, and to store as much grain as may be practicable in 
his frontier garrisons. 

Art. 14. — Grain and all other articles of consumption and 
provisions, and all sorts of materials for wearing apparel, toge- 
ther with the necessary quantity of cattle, horses, and camels, 
required for the use of the subsidiary force, shall, in proportion 
to its present augmentation, be, as heretofore, entirely exempted 
from duties. 

Art. 15. — As by the present treaty the union and friendship 
of the two States are so firmly cemented, as they may be con- 
sidered as one and the same, his Highness the Nizam engages 
neither to commence nor to pursue in future any negotiations 
with any other power whatever without giving previous notice, 
and entering into mutual consultation with the Honourable East 
India Company's Government ; and the Honourable Company's 
Government on their part hereby declare that they have no 
manner of concern with any of his Highness's children, rela- 
tions, subjects, or servants, with respect to whom his Highness 
is absolute. 

Art. 16. — As by the present treaty of general defensive 
alliance, mutual defence and protection against all enemies are 
established, his Highness the Nuwab Asoph Jah consequently 
engages never to commit any act of hostility or aggression against 
any power whatever ; and in the event of differences arising, 
whatever adjustment of them the Company's Government, 
weighing matters in the scale of truth and justice, may deter- 
mine, shall meet with full approbation and acquiescence. 

Art. 17. — By the present treaty of general defensive al- 
liance, the ties of union, by the blessing of God, are drawn so 
close that the friends of any party will be henceforward con- 
sidered as the friends of the other, and the enemies of the one 
party as the enemies of the other ; it is therefore hereby agreed, 
that if, in future, the Shorapoor, or Gudwall zumeendars, or any 
other subjects or dependants of his Highness's government, 
should withhold the payment of the Circar's just claims upon 



Appendix them, or excite rebellion or disturbance, the subsidiary force, or 
A ' _. such portion thereof as may be requisite, after the reality of the 
offence shall be duly ascertained, shall be ready, in concert with 
his Highness's own troops, to reduce all such offenders to obe- 
dience. And the interests of the two States being now in every 
respect identified, it is further mutually agreed that if .distur- 
bances shall, at any time, break out in the districts ceded to the 
Honourable Company by this treaty, his Highness the Nuwab 
Asoph Jah shall permit such a proportion of the subsidiary troops 
as may be requisite to be employed in quelling the same within 
the said districts. If disturbances shall at any time break out 
in any part of his Highness's dominions contiguous to the Com- 
pany's frontier, to which it might be inconvenient to detach any 
proportion of the subsidiary troops, the British Government, in 
like manner, if required by his Highness the Nuwab Asoph Jah, 
shall direct such proportion of the troops of the Company as 
may be most conveniently stationed for the purpose to assist in 
quelling the said disturbances within his Highness's dominions. 

Art. 18. — Whereas, by the favour of Providence, a perfect 
union, harmony, and concord have long and firmly subsisted 
between the Honourable Company, his Highness the Nuwab 
Asoph Jah, his Highness the Peishwa Rao Pundit Purdhan, 
and Raja Rhagojee Bhonslah, therefore should his Highness 
Rao Pundit Purdhan, and Raja Rhagojee Bhonslah, or either 
of them, express a desire to participate in the benefits of the 
present defensive alliance, which is calculated to strengthen 
and perpetuate the foundation of general tranquillity, the con- 
tracting parties will readily admit both or either of the said 
powers to be members of the present alliance, on such terms 
and conditions as shall appear just and expedient to the con- 
tracting parties. 

Art. 19. — The contracting parties being actuated by a 
sincere desire to promote and maintain general tranquillity, will 
admit Dowlut Rao Scindia to be a party to the present treaty 
whenever he shall satisfy the contracting parties of his disposi- 
tion to cultivate the relations of peace and amity with both 
States, and shall give such securities for the maintenance of 



tranquillity as shall appear to the contracting parties to be Appendix 
sufficient. . ^' . 

Art. 20. — This treaty, consisting of twenty articles, being 
this day settled by Captain James Achilles Kirkpatrick, with 
the Nuwab Asoph Jah Bahadoor, Captain Kirkpatrick has 
delivered one copy thereof in English and Persian, signed and 
sealed by himself, to the said Nuwab, who on his part has also 
delivered one copy of the same, duly executed by himself ; and 
Captain Kirkpatrick, by virtue of especial authority given to 
him on that behalf by the most noble the Grovernor-Greneral in 
Council, hereby declares the said treaty to be in full force from 
the date hereof, and engages to procure and deliver to his High- 
ness, in the space of thirty days, a copy of the same from the 
Grovernor-Greneral in Council, in every respect the counterpart of 
that executed by himself; and on the delivery of such copy, the 
treaty executed by Captain Kirkpatrick shall be returned, but 
the additional subsidiary force specified in the third article shall 
be immediately required by his Highness the Nizam, and fur- 
nished by the Honourable Company, and all the other articles 
shall be in full force from this time. 

Signed, sealed, and exchanged at Hyderabad, on the 12th 
October, Anno Domini 1800, or 22nd Jemmadee-ool-Awul, Anno 
Hegirse 1215. 




Separate and Secret Articles. 

Separate and Secret Articles appertaining to the treaty of 
perpetual and general defensive alliance, concluded between the 
Honourable English East India Company and his Highness the 
Nuwab Asoph Jah Bahadoor, on the 12th October, Anno Domini 
1800, or 22nd Jemmadee-ool-Awul, Anno Hegirse 1215. 

Article 1. — The Peishwa Eao Pundit Purdhan shall be 
admitted to the benefits of this general defensive alliance, on the 
following conditions : 



Appendix First. Eao Pundit Purdhan shall accept the mediation of 
A ' _. . the Honourable Company's Government, for the amicable adjust- 
ment, on the basis of the Treaty of Mah, of all claims or 
demands of chout, and of all other claims or demands whatever 
on the territories or government of his Highness the Nuwab 
Asoph Jah. 

The British Grovernment will also take into consideration the 
claims of his Highness the Nuwab Asoph Jah, to a total exemp- 
tion from chout, and will arbitrate, on the principles of justice 
and equity, any question now existing, or which shall arise, rela- 
tive to the same between Rao Pundit Purdhan and the Nuwab 
Asoph Jah, provided Rao Pundit Purdhan shall agree to accept 
the said arbitration, and Rao Pundit Purdhan shall not be 
admitted to the benefit of this general defensive alliance until 
he shall have agreed to accept the arbitration of the British 
Grovernment, with respect to the said claims of the Nuwab 
Asoph Jah to a total exemption from chout. 

Secondly. Rao Pundit Purdhan shall give full satisfaction 
to the Honourable Company on the various points depending 
between him and the British Grovernment in India. 

Thirdly. If Rao Pundit Purdhan shall agree to the fore- 
going conditions, the Honourable English East India Company 
and his Highness the Nuwab Asoph Jah will assist him in the 
restoration of his just authority in the Mahratta Empire. 

Fourthly. For this purpose Rao Pundit Purdhan shall 
agree to subsidise, in perpetuity, such a body of the said Com- 
pany's troops as shall hereafter be judged necessary for the 
restoration and maintenance of his authority. 

Art. 2. — Raja Rhagojee Bhonslah shall be admitted to the 
benefit of this general alliance on the following conditions : 

First. Raja Rhagojee Bhonslah shall accept the Honourable 
Company's arbitration of all unadjusted points between his 
Highness the Nuwab Asoph Jah and the said Raja, according to 
the tenor of subsisting treaties. 

Secondly. Raja Rhagojee Bhonslah shall agree to such 
equitable interchanges, to complete or improve their respective 
frontiers, or to such cessions of territory (in consideration of a 



just pecuniary equivalent) as shall be judged necessary to the Appendix 
same purpose. . A ' \ 

Art. 3. — If, contrary to the spirit and object of this defen- 
sive treaty, war should hereafter appear unavoidable (which Grod 
avert) the contracting parties will proceed to adjust from the 
success of their united arms. 

The contracting parties entertain no views of conquest or 
extension of their respective dominions, nor any intention of 
proceeding to hostilities, unless in the case of unjust and unpro- 
voked aggression, and after the failure of their joint endeavours 
to obtain reasonable satisfaction through the channel of pacific 
negotiation, according to the tenor of the preceding treaty. It 
is, however, declared, that in the event of war, and of a conse- 
quent partition of conquests between the contracting parties, 
his Highness the Nuwab Asoph Jah shall be entitled to partici- 
pate equally with the other contracting parties in the division of 
every territory which may be acquired by the successful exertion 
of their united arms, provided his Highness the Nuwab Asoph 
Jah shall have faithfully fulfilled all the stipulations of the pre- 
ceding treaty, especially those contained in the twelfth and 
thirteenth articles thereof. 

Signed, sealed, and exchanged at Hyderabad, on the 12th 
October, Anno Domini 1800, or 22nd Jemmadee-ool-Awul, Anno 
HegiraB 1215. 



Schedule referred to in the Treaty. 

Schedule of his Highness the Nizam's territorial acquisitions 
by the Treaty of Seringapatam, dated the 18th May, 1792, and 
by the Treaty of Mysore, dated the 22nd June, 1799, and which 
in conformity to the fifth and sixth articles of the annexed 
treaty, are now, together with the Talook of Adonee, and all 
other Talooks situated to the south of the rivers Toombuddrah 
and Krishnah, ceded in full and in perpetuity to the Honourable 
East India Company. 

VOL. I. U 


Appendix List of Talooks acquired by the Treaty of Seringapatam : — 


C. Pagodas. 




Sidhout, 6 Talooks ..... 




Chuinoor, 6 ditto ..... 




Kumlapoor, 4 ditto . 




Vo-oor, 6 ditto 



Budwail, 3 ditto ' . 



Jumouul Murrow, 7 ditto .... 




Kummum, 7 ditto ..... 




Kunnuckgherry, 3 ditto .... 



Chit Koontah, 1 ditto ..... 



Grudtoor, 1 ditto ..... 


Coalkonetah, 1 ditto ..... 




Opnlpuhr, 1 ditto ..... 



Nursapoor, 1 ditto ..... 




Bisspul, 1 ditto ..... 



Donypahr Wurdwarenn, 1 ditto 




Poodtoor, 2 ditto ..... 





Chutwail or Multlwaur, 8 ditto 





Manyaulpalo, 1 ditto ..... 


Nussam, 1 ditto ..... 


Bungumpully and Chunchunmullah 



Onak, 1 ditto . .... 


In G-oody, 4 ditto ..... 



Bulhary and Kurkoor, 1 ditto .... 


Weonlahwempilly, 1 ditto .... 


Kopaul, 8 ditto ..... 




Gajjinderghun, 8 ditto ..... 



Kunnuckgherry, 1 ditto .... 


Singapnttum Oopalwarrah, 1 ditto 


Himmuntcond, 1 ditto ..... 


Busswahpoor, 1 ditto ..... 


Mokah, 1 ditto ...... 




In the Talook of Koorkoor .... 








List of Talooks acquwed by the Treaty 

of Mysore 


(remainder of) : — 

C. Pagodas. 




Fyze Hissur (the Fort and dependencies 


Kundundlah ...... 




Warkur Kunoor ..... 


Yarutty Marracheesor ..... 




Beemrajah ...... 

C. Pagodas. 







Bialy Mutty Murgh ..... 



Chintumpully ...... 


Mutyhurah Huttoor ..... 



Kordunty . . . 


Yarghy ... 


Pencoondah . . . . 


Minnighserrah ...... 


Hundy Ununtpoor ..... 


Koorkoor, remainder of .... 


Kunimgoondy ...... 


Gurrumcondah ...... 


Ruttungherry ...... 


Kagdroog, 6 Talooks ..... 


Kinnool Peshcush ..... 


.Tnn'vmiilla'h 1 Tfllnnlr 

ti UilJ 111 LlliLlllj J. J. alUUA ..... 

/ ,oUU 


Umrahpoor Nooinautty. .... 


Anungoondy . . 


Hurpimkully, 6 lalooks . ... 



Wurtnahpoor, and sundry other villages in the Chittle- 

droog district ..... 





Grand Total 




The districts situated north of the Toombuddrah, which, con- 
formably to the sixth article of the annexed treaty, remain with 
his Highness the Nizam, to be deducted from the above, as 
follows : — 

C. Pagodas. 



Koopal, 8 Talooks ...... 



Cajjirdurghur, 8 ditto ...... 



Kunnuckgherry, 1 ditto ..... 


Villages of the Anagoondy district, situated to the North of 

Toombuddrah ...... 


Villages of the Tukkulcottah district, situated likewise North 

of Toombuddrah ...... 


Retained by his Highness the Nizam . 


Remains to the Honourable Company — C. Pagodas . 



Add the Adonee country, which, together with all his 

Highness's remaining possessions, South of the Toombud- 

drah, is by the sixth article of the annexed treaty, ceded 

in exchange for the above districts to the Honourable 

Company ..... Rupees 



u 2 



Appendix Signed, sealed, and exchanged at Hyderabad, the 12th 
. A ' _ . October, Anno Domini 1800, or 22nd Jemaul-ool-Awnl, Anno 
Hegirse 1215. 


Commercial Treaty with the Nizam, dated the 12th April, 


Treaty for the improvement and security of the trade and 
commerce between the territories of the Honourable East India 
Company and of his Highness the Nuwab Nizam-ool-Moolk 
Asoph Jah Soobehdar of the Deccan ; settled by Major James 
Achilles Kirkpatrick, Eesident at the court of his Highness, by 
virtue of the powers delegated to him by his Excellency the 
Most Noble Richard Marquis Wellesley, Knight of the Most 
Illustrious Order of Saint Patrick, one of his Britannic Majesty's 
Privy Council, Governor- General in Council, Captain- General 
and Commander in Chief of his Majesty's and the Honourable 
Company's Forces in India, appointed by the Honourable the 
Court of Directors of the said Honourable Company to direct 
and control all their affairs in the East Indies, and Governor- 
General in Council of all the British possessions in the East 

• Whereas a well-regulated commerce is essential to the opu- 
lence and prosperity of the people, and to the wealth and 
power of the State ; and whereas a free and secure commercial 
intercourse tends to maintain and improve the relations of amity, 
peace, and concord between contiguous nations. 

Wherefore the Honourable East India Company and his 
Highness the Nuwab Asoph Jah, anxious to improve by every 
possible means the close and intimate connection now happily 
established between the two States, and to extend the benefits 
of their union to their respective subjects, have agreed on the 
following articles of a treaty of commerce between the two 

Article 1. — As the testimony of the firm friendship, union, 
and attachment subsisting between the Honourable Company 



and his Highness the Nuwab Asoph Jah, the Honourable Com- Appendix 
pany hereby agree to grant to his Highness the free use of the A ' _ , 
sea- port of Masulipatam, at which port his Highness shall be 
at liberty to establish a commercial factory, and agents, under 
such regulations as the nature of the Company's government 
shall require, and as shall be adjusted between the Grovernor- 
Greneral in Council and his said Highness. 

Art. 2. — His Highness's ships bearing his flag, shall be 
entitled, at all times, to the protection of his Britannic 
Majesty's and the Honourable Company's ships of war, and 
shall be admitted into all the ports belonging to the British 
Government in India, upon the footing of the most favoured 

Art. 3. — There shall be a free transit between the territories 
of the contracting parties of all articles being the growth, pro- 
duce, or manufacture of each respectively ; and also of all 
articles being the growth, produce, or manufacture of any part 
of his Britannic Majesty's dominions. 

Art. 4. — All rahdarry duties and all duties collected by indi- 
vidual renters or zumeendars on goods passing to and from the 
territories of the contracting parties shall be abolished, and all 
zumeendars, renters, &c, shall be strictly prohibited from com- 
mitting any acts of extortion or violence on the merchants pass- 
ing through the respective territories of the contracting parties. 

Art. 5. — A duty of five per cent, and no more shall be levied 
at Hyderabad, indiscriminately on all articles of merchandise 
whatever imported into his Highness's dominions from the 
Company's possessions. No article shall pay duty more than 
once. The duties payable shall be regulated by a just valuation 
of the article or commodity on which they shall be charged, 
and which shall be determined by an invoice, authenticated by 
the seal and signature of the proper officer on each side ; nor 
shall any arbitrary valuation of any article or commodity be 
admitted to enhance the amount of the duties payable thereon, 
and the said duties shall be fixed and immutable except by the 
mutual consent of the contracting parties. 

Art. 6. — The Honourable East India Company shall, on 

u 3 


Appendix their part, adopt similar arrangements in every respect for the 

s ^ , purpose of facilitating the transit through their dominions of all 

articles, the growth, produce, or manufacture of his Highness's 
territories, and of guarding the same from all unjust exactions 
or vexatious imposts whatever. 

Art. 7. — The duties payable to the Honourable Company 
on all articles imported into their territories from his Highness's 
dominions, shall be collected in the mode prescribed by the 
fifth article at Masulipatam alone, or at one or more places 
according to the convenience of the merchants belonging to . 
his Highness's dominions; and the said place or places shall be 
fixed with the consent of his Highness the Nizam, it being 
understood that no article imported from his Highness's 
dominions shall, in any case, pay duty more than once, whether 
the said duty be collected at Masulipatam or elsewhere. 

Art. 8. — A duty of five per cent, and no more shall be levied 
once by his Highness's Government, and be made payable at 
Hyderabad on the prime cost of all commodities purchased 
in his Highness's dominions for exportation. 

Art. 9. — No merchants or traders under the Compan3 T 's 
Government shall be allowed to re-vend in the dominions of 
the Nuwab aforesaid, the productions or manufactures of his 
territories purchased by them therein. Neither shall any grain 
be exported from the territories of the Nuwab aforesaid, into I 
those of the Honourable Company, without a special licence for i 
the purpose ; nor any more grain be purchased in his High- 
ness's territories than what is necessary for the consumption of I 
the subsidiary force. But it is at the same time hereby agreed, < 
that in cases of necessity, permission shall be reciprocally 
granted immediately on application for the transportation of 
grain, free from all duties whatever, into the respective territories 
of the two contracting powers in Hindoosthan and the Deccan. 

Art. 10. — The traders under both governments, namely, all 
such as shall traffic from the Honourable Company's territories 
into the territories of his Highness the Nuwab Asoph Jah, and 
vice versa, shall, upon the importation of their commodities 
into the respective territories, pay once a duty of five per cent,, 



according to the terms prescribed in the foregoing articles. Appendix 
With respect to others who do not come under the above de- . _ A ' , 
scription, such as traders from foreign parts, or inhabitants of 
Hyderabad, who have always paid the usual duties, the Kurrorah 
shall, as heretofore, levy duties from them according to custom. 

Art. 11. — The preceding regulations shall take effect and be 
established in the respective territories of the contracting 
parties on the 1st day of September next, answering to the 2nd 
of Jemmadee-ool-Awul, A.H. 1217, after which day no duties 
shall be levied in any other manner than in conformity to the 
stipulations of this treaty. 

Art. 12. — This treaty, consisting of twelve articles, being 
this day settled by Major James Achilles Kirkpatrick with the 
Nuwab Asoph Jah Bahadoor, Major Kirkpatrick has delivered 
one copy thereof in English and Persian, signed and sealed by 
himself, to the said Nuwab, who, on his part, has delivered one 
copy of the same, duly executed by himself and Major Kirk- 
patrick, by virtue of special authority given to him in that 
behalf by his Excellency the Most Noble the Governor-General 
in Council, hereby declares the said treaty to be in full force 
from the date hereof, and engages to procure and deliver to his 
Highness in the space of fifty days a copy of the same from the 
Governor-General in Council, in every respect the counterpart 
of that executed by himself, and on the delivery of such copy 
the treaty executed by Major Kirkpatrick shall be returned. 

Signed, sealed, and exchanged at Hyderabad, this 12th day 
of April, Anno Domini 1802, or 8th day of Zehidge, Anno 
Hegiras 1216. 


Instrument under the signature of the Governor-General in 
Council, delivered to the Nizam (Secunder Jah) on his 
accession to the musnucl, recognising all the former treaties 
and engagements with Nizam Alee deceased. 

The friendship and alliance which so firmly and happily sub- 
sisted between his late Highness the Nuwab Nizam Alee Khan, 

u 4 


Appendix Soobehdar of the Deccan, and the Honourable Company's Go- 
. _ ^' , vernment, shall be considered to subsist, with, equal force and 
sincerity, and shall continue for ever unimpaired between his 
late Highness's eldest son and successor, the Nuwab Secunder 
Jah, and the Honourable Company, and all treaties and engage- 
ments which subsisted between his late Highness and the 
Honourable Company's Government shall be considered to be in 
full force to all intents and purposes. And his Excellency the 
Most Noble the Governor-General in Council hereby declares, 
on the part of the Honourable Company, that the British Govern- 
ment is effectually bound by the said engagements and treaties, 
and that the said engagements and treaties shall be duly 
observed until the end of time. 

Given under the seal of the Honourable Company, and the 
signature of his Excellency the Most Noble the Governor- 
General in Council, at Fort William in Bengal, this 2nd day of 
August, 1803. 


Engagement between Secunder Jah and the Company, dated 
the 1th August, 1803. 

The friendship and union which so strongly and happily 
subsisted between the late Nuwab Nizam Alee Khan Baha- 
door (whose soul is in Paradise) and the Honourable Com- 
pany's Government, are to be considered as perfectly unim- 
paired, and shall meet with no interruption whatever. All 
existing treaties and engagements, likewise, that were contracted 
with the late Nuwab aforesaid, are in full force, to all intents 
and purposes ; and we hereby declare that we are effectually 
bound by the engagements and treaties aforesaid, and by the 
blessing of God the said treaties and engagements shall be duly 
observed until the end of time. 

Signed and sealed on the 7th day of August, Anno Domini 
1803, answering to Kubbee-oos-Saunee, Anno Hegirse 1218, 
with the seal and signature of Meer Foulaad Alee Khan 
Secunder Jah Bahadoor, Soobehdar of the Deccan, and delivered 



in duplicate on the day aforesaid, by his Highness himself Appendix 
to Major James Achilles Kirkpatrick, Kesident at the Court of A ' 


Additional Article of Treaty between the .Honourable East 
India Company on the one part, and his Highness Nuwab 
Nizam-ool-Moolk Asoph Meer Ukbur Alee Khan Baha- 
door, Soobah of the Deccan, his children, heirs, and suc- 
cessors on the other ; to be considered as appertaining to the 
treaty of perpetual and general defensive alliance con- 
cluded at Hyderabad on the 12th of October, Anno Domini 
1800, or 22nd of Jemmadee-ool-Awul, Anno Hegirm 1215. 

Article. — In the event (which Grod, however, avert) of joint 
war breaking out hereafter with any other power, it is hereby 
agreed that, during the continuance thereof, all officers and all 
troops, whether individually or collectively, belonging to either 
of the contracting parties, shall have free ingress and egress to 
and from all the territories, and to and from all the forts belong- 
ing to each other respectively ; and it is hereby further agreed 
that all officers, whether civil or military, belonging to either 
government, shall, when requisite, employ all their power and 
all the resources at their command in facilitating the operations 
of the troops employed, to whichever of the two contracting 
powers they may happen to belong. 

Signed, sealed, and exchanged at Hyderabad, this 9th of 
January, 1804, agreeing with 25th Ramzan, Anno Hegirae 1218. 


Partition Treaty of Hyderabad, with his Highness the 
Soobehdar of the Deccan, 1804. 

Treaty for the settlement of general peace in Hindoosthan 
and Deccan, and for the confirmation of the friendship sub- 
sisting between the Honourable English East India Company, 
and its allies, his Highness the Soobehdar of the Deccan, and 



Appendix his Highness Rao Pundit Purdhan Peishwa Bahadoor, settled 
A- between the said Honourable Company and the said allies, by 
Major James Achilles Kirkpatrick, Resident at the Court of 
Hyderabad, in virtue of the powers delegated to him by his 
Excellency the Most Noble Richard Marquis of Wellesley, 
Knight of the Most Illustrious Order of Saint Patrick, one of 
his Majesty's Most Honourable Privy Council, Governor- 
General in Council of all the British possessions, and Captain- 
General of all the British land forces in the East Indies. 

Whereas, by the terms of the treaties of the peace, concluded 
by Major-General the Honourable Arthur Wellesley, on the 
part of the Honourable Company and its allies, with the Maha- 
raja Senah Sahib Soobah, Raja of Berar, at Deogaum, on the 
Angrugaum, on the 30th of that month, which treaties have 
been duly ratified by the Governor- General in Council, and by 
the allies of the British Government, certain forts and terri- 
tories have been ceded by Maharaja Senah Sahib Soobah, 
and by Maharaja Dowlut Rao Scindia, to the Honourable 
Company and its allies, and the following articles of agreement, 
for the settlement of the said forts and territories, have been 
concluded by the British Government and by the said allies. 

Article 1. — The province of Cuttack, including the port and 
district of Balasore, and all cessions of every description, made 
by the second article of the Treaty of Deogaum, or by any trea- 
ties which have been confirmed by the tenth article of the said 
Treaty of Deogaum, shall belong, in perpetual sovereignty, to 
the Honourable English East India Company. 

Art. 2. — The territories of which Maharaja Sena Sahib Soobah 
formerly collected the revenues, in participation with his High- 
ness the Soobehdar of the Deccan, and those formerly possessed 
by Maharaja Sena Sahib Soobah, to the westward of the river 
W T urdah, ceded by the third article of the Treaty of Deogaum, 
and the territory situated to the southward of the hills, on 
which are the forts of Nernula, and Gawilghur, and to the 
westward of the river Wurdah, stated by the fourth article of 
the Treaty of Deogaum to belong to the British Government, 
and its allies, shall belong, in perpetual sovereignty, to his 



Highness the Soobehdar of the Deccan, with the exception of Appendix 
the districts reserved to Sena Sahib Soobah, in the fifth article „ A ' 
of the said Treaty of Deogaum. 

Art. 3. — All the forts, territories, and rights of Maharaja 
Dowlut Rao Scindia, in the Doab, or countries situated 
between the Jumna and the Granges, and all his forts, terri- 
tories, rights, and interests, in the countries which are to the 
northward of those of the Rajas of Jeypoor, and Jodpoor, and 
of the Ranah of Gohut, ceded by the second article of the treaty 
of Surje Anjengaum, shall belong, in perpetual sovereignty, to 
the Honourable Company. 

Art. 4. — The fort of Baroach, and the territory depending 
thereon, ceded by the third article of the treaty of Surje Anjen- 
gaum, shall belong, in perpetual sovereignty, to the Honourable 

Art. 5. — The fort and city of Ahmednuggur, together with 
such part of the territory depending thereon, as is ceded by the 
third article of the treaty of Surje Anjengaum to the Honour- 
able Company and its allies, shall belong, in perpetual sove- 
reignty, to his Highness the Peishwa. 

Art. 6. — All the territories which belonged to Maharaja 
Dowlut Rao Scindia, before the commencement of the late 
war, situated to the southward of the hills, called the Adjuntee 
hills, including the fort and district of Jalnahpoor, the town 
and district of Gundapoor, and all other districts between that 
range of hills and the river Godavery, ceded by the fourth article 
of the Treaty of Surje Anjengaum to the Honourable Company 
and its aMies, shall belong in perpetual sovereignty to his High- 
ness the Soobehdar of the Deccan. 

Art. 7. — AH cessions made to the Honourable Company, 
by any treaties which have been confirmed by the ninth article 
of the Treaty of Surje Anjengaum, shall belong, in perpetual 
sovereignty, to the Honourable Company. 

Art. 8. — This treaty, consisting of eight articles, being 
this day, the 17th of Mohurrum, corresponding with the 28th 
of April, settled and concluded at Hyderabad, by Major James 
Achilles Kirkpatrick, with his Highness the Nuwab Asoph Jah 



Appendix Meer Akbar Alee Khan Bahadoor, Soobehdar of the Deccan, the 
f" said Major James Achilles Kirkpatrick has delivered to his 
said Highness, a copy of the same in English and Persian, 
under the seal and signature of the said Major James Achilles 
Kirkpatrick, and his Highness the Nuwab Asoph Jab. Meer 
Akbar Alee Khan Bahadoor has delivered to the said Major 
James Achilles Kirkpatrick, another copy, also in Persian and 
English, bearing his Highness's seal and signature; and the 
aforesaid Major James Achilles Kirkpatrick has engaged to 
procure and deliver to his Highness, without delay, a copy 
of the same, duly ratified by his Excellency the Most Noble 
the Grovernor-Greneral in Council, on the receipts of which by 
his said Highness, the present treaty shall be deemed complete 
and binding on the Honourable English East India Company, 
and on his Highness, and the copy of it now delivered to his 
said Highness the Nuwab Asoph Jah shall be returned. 

Done at Hyderabad, this 28th day of April, Anno Domini 
1804, or 17th day of Mohurrum, Anno Hegiraa 1219. 


Treaty between the Honourable East India Company and his 
Highness the Soobehdar of the Deccan, and his children, 
heirs, and successors for the further confirmation of friend- 
ship and unity of interests, concluded through the agency of 
Charles Theophilus Metcalfe, Esquire, Resident at the 
court of his said Highness, by virtue of full powers to that 
effect vested in him by his Excellency the most Noble Francis 
Marquis of Hastings, Knight of the Most Noble Order of the 
Garter, Knight Grand Cross of the Most Honourable Order 
of the Bath, one of his Britannic Majesty 's Most Honourable 
Privy Council, Governor-General in Council, appointed by 
the Honourable the Court of Directors of the said Honourable 
Company, to direct and control all their affairs in the East 
Indies, and Commander in Chief of his Majesty's and the 
Honourable Company's Forces, dated the \Wi December, 1822. 

Whereas certain forts, rights, and territories have come into 



the possession of the Honourable Company from the States of Appendix 

Nagpoor and Holkar, and in consequence of the reduction and y ^ ■ 

occupation of the dominions of the Peishwa, the following 
articles of agreement for the settlement of the said Honourable 
Company and his said Highness the Soobehdar of the Deccan. 

Article 1. — All former treaties and engagements between 
the two States now in force, and not contrary to the tenor of this 
treaty, shall be confirmed by it. 

Art. 2. — The arrears of all claims and demands of chout, and of 
all other claims whatever on the territories or government of his 
Highness the Nizam, due by his said Highness to the Peishwa, 
are hereby declared to be extinguished, and his said Highness 
is released in perpetuity from the payment of all chout of every 
description on account of any part of his possessions. 

Art. 3. — His Highness the Nizam being desirous of possess- 
ing certain of the districts acquired by the late war, on account 
of their situation within the exterior line of his Highness's 
frontier, the following exchanges of territory are hereby agreed 
upon for his Highness's benefit and the mutual convenience of 
the contracting parties. 

Art. 4. — The districts formerly belonging to the Peishwa, as 
specified in the Schedule A. hereunto annexed, and estimated at 
the annual sum of rupees 5,69,275 — 8, are hereby transferred in 
perpetual sovereignty to his Highness the Nizam. 

Art. 5. — The districts formerly belonging to the Eaja of 
Nagpoor, according to the Schedule B. hereunto annexed, and 
estimated at the annual sum of rupees 3,13,743 — 8, together 
with the forts of Grawilgurh and Narulla, and the range of hills 
on which they are situated, shall belong in perpetual sovereignty 
to his Highness. 

Art. 6. — The district of Umber and Ellora, formerly be- 
longing to Maharaja Mulhar Rao Holkar, and estimated at 
the annual sum of rupees 1,89,373, shall also belong in per- 
petual sovereignty to his said Highness. 

Art. 7. — His Highness the Nizam on his part hereby cedes 
to the Honourable. Company, in perpetual sovereignty, the 
whole of his rights and possessions situated on the west or right 


Appendix bank of the river Seena, according to the Schedule C. hereunto 

s 4^ ' annexed, and also the whole of his rights and possessions 

situated within the district of Ahmednuggur, as detailed in the 
said Schedule, the whole being estimated at the annual sum of 
rupees 4,31,785 —31. 

Art. 8. — His Highness the Nizam also cedes, for the pur- 
pose of their being transferred in perpetual sovereignty, to 
the Eaja of Nagpoor, the whole of his participated rights and 
possessions situated on the east or left bank of the river Wurda, 
according to the Schedule D. annexed to the present treaty, and 
estimated to produce an annual revenue of rupees 75,000. 

Art. 9. — Certain assignments of chout, within the territory 
of his Highness the Nizam, to the estimated annual amount of 
rupees one lakh and twenty thousand, having been guaranteed to 
Appa Dessaye and the Putwardhans, his Highness the Nizam 
hereby agrees to pay the aforesaid sum annually to the Honour- 
able East India Company in perpetuity. 

Art. 10. — His Highness the Nizam also engages to confirm 
and continue all Enamas and Wurshasuns, and all individual 
and charitable allowances, of every description "whatever, which 
may have been granted, either on the chout, payable by his 
Highness to the Peishwa, or on any portion of the districts 
formerly belonging to the Peishwa, and now acquired by his 
said Highness under the fourth article of the present treaty, 
provided those grants shall have been in force at the breaking 
out of hostilities with the Peishwa in the month of November 
1817, and that the holders of them shall have performed the 
conditions prescribed in Mr. Elphinstone's proclamation, dated 
the 11th of February, 1816. 

Art. 11. — This treaty, consisting of eleven articles, having 
been this day settled by Charles Theophilus Metcalfe, Esquire, 
with the Nuwab Asoph Jah Bahadoor, one copy thereof has been 
delivered to the said Nuwab, and the Nuwab on his part has 
delivered one copy of the same, duly executed by himself, to the 
aforesaid gentleman, who engages to procure and deliver to his 
Highness a copy of the same from his Excellency the Grovernor- 
General, in every respect the counterpart to this executed by 



himself, after which the copy executed by the aforesaid gentle- Appendix 

man shall be returned. > _ A- „ 

Signed, sealed, and exchanged at Hyderabad, 12th December, 
Anno Domini 1822, 27th Kubbee-ool-Awul, Anno Hegirse 1238. 

Eatified by the Governor-General in Council, at Fort William, 
in Bengal, this 31st day of December, 1822. 

(Signed) George Swinton, 

Secretary to the Government. 


Schedule of the districts formerly belonging to the Peishwa, 
and now transferred by the fourth article of the annexed treaty 
to his Highness the Nizam. 

Oomurtehair. Wyezapoor Seorage. 

Julgaum. Untoor ditto. 

Twenty-two villages of Talook Kahisbone Seornije : — 

Dhabany Seorage. Hurpoor Talookah. 

Detached Villages. Glial Nandoor. 

Shewlee Peer. Sundry Villages. 

Total . 5,69,275 8 


Schedule of the districts formerly belonging to the Raja of 


Nagpoor, and now transferred, by the fifth article of the an- 
nexed treaty, to his Highness the Nizam. 


Kulkall 3,25,000 8 

Deduct the revenue of Moongaum, held by Sreedhur \ 

Pundit and Jeswant Eao Ramchunder. Half f ^ q q 
of the village of Balkhaira held by Jeswant j , "° 
Rao Ramchunder . j 

Total . 3,13,750 8 


Schedule of the rights and possessions of his Highness the 
Nizam of Ahmednuggur, the whole of which are now transferred, 
by the seventh article of the annexed treaty, to the Honourable 
Company, west of the Seena in the Pergunnah of Mohul, Circar 
of Purainda. 

The Kusbeh, &c. Wurwul, &c. 

Koorwaller, &c. Ram Higna. 

Phool Chircholee. 

In the Pergunnah of Easeen, Circar of Ahmednuggur: — 

Koortee, &c. 

In the Pergunnah of Pandia, Circar of Pairgaum: — 

Ahmednuggur. Sivaul, &c. 

Saurergaum, &c. Loonee, &c. 


In the Pergunnah of Wangee, Circar of Purainda : — 

Luhwa. Kunder. 
Krishbeh, &c. Hitnowra. 

In the Pergunnah of Mundpoor, Circar of Solapoor : — 

Mundpoor, &c. Meeree, &c. 

In the Pergunnah of Taimbhoornee, Circar of Purainda : — 

Ahola, &c. Hntgaum. 
Wuralee. Kushbeh of Taimbhoornees. 


In the Pergunnah of Chamargoonda, Circar of Ahmed- Appendix 

nuggur : — A ' , 

Paleyvrarree, &c. Saitphut. 

Kurgut. Korygaum. 

Koondaiza. Grhautgaum, &c. 

In the Pergunnah of Kimywulleet of Ahmednuggur : — 

Kusbeh of Nandnuj. Amba Julgaum, &c. 

HurmnUa. Sogaiim. 
Jargaum, &c. Mamdgaum, &c. 

In the Pergunnah of Burdole, Circar and Soobah of Beejah- 
poor : — 

Tanklee, &c. Codree Kinmoor. 

Jujjeeumunee, &c. Choutee and other Ubwaubs granted 

Charchars, &c. to the Putwurdhuns. 

Part of the village of Mandra. 

In the Pergunnah of Oondergaum, Circar of Purainda Marra, 
&c. :— 

In the Pergunnah and Circar of Badloonee and eleven other villages. 
Purainda, Koordoo and nineteen Oopbeh. 
other Khalsa villages. Papnass. 

Within the district of Ahmednuggur, in the Pergunnah of 
Kurwah :— 

Adulgaum. Kolegaum. 

In the Pergunnah of Jamkhair : — 
Kurdlah. Sonegaum. 

Jamkhair. Sountany, attached to the Fort of 

Loney. Purainda. 
Punpulg^um. Dhurrungaum. 

In the TurrufF of Eanjungaum : — 
Anquah. Bhowsee. 

In the Talook of Khaim : — 

Khaim. Nimborry. 

In the Talook of Ahmednuggur: — 

Khorjaum. Pargaum Zolhot, 

Mreddurgaum. Bulwany. 

VOL. I. X 




In the Pergunnah of Pangree : — 

Bhatamray. Chickroud. 

In the Circar of Sungamnair : — 


In the Pergunnah of Nawassa : 










Prowrah Sungum. 


Koorneet Sengway. 





Sallet Wurgong. 






Khandlay Khaddlay. 


Total within the district of Ahmednuggur, and on 
the west bank of the river Seena 




Schedule of the participated rights and possessions of his 
Highness the Nizam, situated on the east or left bank of the 
river Wurda, and now ceded by his said Highness, according to 
the 8th article of the annexed treaty, for the purpose of being 
transferred to the Raja of Nagpoor. 

In the Pergunnah of Arwees, Circar of Gaweib. 
In the Pergunnah of Ashtee, Circar of Ofaweil. 
In the Pergunnah of Amnair, Circar of Khavilla. 

Total 75,000 


Treaty confirmatory of former Treaties, dated the 17 th October, 


The friendship and union which have been so strongly and 
happily established from of old between the Honourable Com- 



pany and the late Nuwab Asoph Jah Moozuffir-ool-Moolk Nizam- Appendix 
ool-Moolk, Nizam-ood-Dowlah, Nuwab Meer Turkhund Alee . ^ _ , 
Khan Bahadoor, the eldest son and successor of the deceased 
Nuwab, and the said Honourable Company ; all existing treaties, 
engagements, and relations that were contracted or established 
between the two States during the time of the late Nuwabs 
Nizam-ool-Moolk, Nuwab Meer Nizam Alee Khan Bahadoor, and 
Nizam-ool-Moolk, Nuwab Meer Akber Alee Khan Bahadoor, shall 
remain in full force to all intents and purposes, accordingly the 
Eight Honourable the Grovernor-Greneral, on the part of the said 
Honourable Company, declares that the British officers are effec- 
tually bound by the engagements and treaties aforesaid, and 
that, by the favour of Grod, the stipulations of the said treaties 
and engagements shall be duly observed till the end of time. In 
assurance whereof the Grovernor-Greneral has given in writing 
these few lines in the shape of an engagement. 

Signed and sealed, at Simla, on the 20th day of September* 
1831, A.D. (answering to the 13th Eubbee-oss-Sanee, 1247 
A.H.), and delivered, in duplicate, on the 17th day of October, 
1831, by Major J. Stewart, Kesident at the Court of Hyderabad, 
to his Highness Nuwab Asoph Jah Moozuffir-ool-Moomalik 
Meer Turkhund Alee Khan Bahadoor Futteh Jung, Nizam of 

W. Bentinck. 




Appendix Treaty between the Honourable the English East India Com- 
A> „ pany and his Highness the Nuwdb Nizam-ool-Moolk Asoph 
Jah Bahadoor, settled by Colonel J. Low, C.B., Resident at 
the Court of his Highness, by virtue of full 'powers to that 
effect vested in him by the Most Noble James Andrew Mar- 
quis of Dalhousie, Knight of the Most Ancient and most 
Noble Order of the Thistle, one of her Majesty's Most 
Honourable Privy Council and Governor-General, appointed 
by the Honourable Company to direct and control all their 
Affairs in the East Indies. 

Whereas friendship and union have subsisted for a length of 
time between the Honourable East India Company and his High- 
ness the Nuwab Nizam-ool-Moolk Asoph Jah Bahadoor, and have 
been cemented and strengthened by treaties of general defence 
and protection : and whereas, in the lapse of time, many changes 
in the condition of princes and neighbouring States have taken 
place, by reason of which it has now become expedient to revise 
the military arrangements that were formerly agreed upon for 
the fulfilment of the said treaties : and whereas differences and 
discussions have for some time existed between the contracting 
parties, regarding the adjustment of charges connected with por- 
tions of the military arrangements subsisting between the States : 
and whereas it is fit and proper, and for the mutual advantage 
of both powers, that such differences should now be finally set- 
tled, and that the recurrence of such discussions which tend to 
disturb the friendship and harmony of the contracting parties, 
should effectually be prevented : wherefore the Honourable East 
India Company and his Highness the Nuwab Nizam-ool-Moolk 
Asoph Jah Bahadoor have agreed upon the following articles of a 
treaty between the States : — 

Article 1. — The peace, union, and friendship so long subsisting 
between the Honourable East India Company and his Highness 
the Nuwab Nizam-ool-Moolk Asoph Jah Bahadoor shall be per 



petual ; the friends and enemies of either shall be the friends Appendix 
and enemies of both, and the contracting parties agree that all . A " , 
the former treaties and agreements between the two States now 
in force, and not contrary to the tenor of this engagement, shall 
be confirmed by it. 

Art. 2. — The subsidiary force which for general defence and 
protection has been furnished by the Honourable East India 
Company to his Highness the Nizam shall be continued, and 
shall consist, as heretofore, of not less than eight battalions of 
sepoys and two regiments of cavalry, with their requisite com- 
plement of guns and European artillerymen, fully equipped with 
warlike stores and ammunition. Unless, with the express con- 
sent of his Highness, there shall never be less than five regi- 
ments of infantry and one of cavalry (with a due proportion of 
artillery) of the said subsidiary force, stationed within the ter- 
ritories of his Highness, and the residue of such subsidiary force 
shall at all times be brought into his Highness's territories, with- 
out delay, on his Highness making requisition therefor. The 
said subsidiary force shall be employed, when required, to exe- 
cute services of importance, such as protecting the person of his 
Highness, his heirs and successors, and reducing to obedience all 
rebels and exciters of disturbance in his Highness's dominions ; 
but it is not to be employed on trifling occasions, or, like sebundy, 
to be stationed in the country to collect revenue. 

Art. 3. — The Honourable East India Company further 
agrees, that in lieu of his Highness's present contingent, it shall 
maintain for his Highness, his heirs and successors, an auxiliary 
force, whieh shall be styled the " Hyderabad Contingent," ac- 
cording to the provisions for the maintenance of that force which 
are detailed in the 6th article of this treaty. 

It shall consist of not less than 5000 infantry and 2000 cavalry, 
with four field-batteries of artilleiy. It shall be commanded by 
British officers, fully equipped and disciplined, and controlled 
by the British Government through its representative, the Kesi- 
dent at Hyderabad. 

Whensoever the services of the said contingent may be re- 
quired they shall be afforded at all times to his Highness the 

x 3 


Appendix Nizam, fully and promptly, throughout his whole dominions. If 

rebellion or disturbance shall be excited, or if the just claims 

and authority of his Highness shall be resisted, the said contin 
gent, after the reality of the offence shall have been duly ascer 
tained, shall be employed to reduce the offenders to submission. 

Art, 4.— As the interests of the two States have long been 
identified, it is further mutually agreed, that if disturbances shall 
break out in districts belonging to the Honourable East India 
Company, his Highness the Nizam shall permit such portions of 
the subsidiary force as maybe requisite to be employed in quell 
mg the same within the said districts. In like manner, i 
disturbances shall break out in any part of his Highness's do- 
minions contiguous to the territories of the Honourable East 
India Company, to which it might be inconvenient, owing to the 
distance from Hyderabad, to detach any portion of the subsi- 
diary force, the British Government, if required by his Highness 
the Nizam, shall direct such portions of its troops as may be 
most available to assist in quelling the disturbances within his 
Highness's dominions. 

Art. 5.— In the event of war, his Highness the Nizam en- 
gages that the subsidiary force, joined by the Hyderabad Con- 
tingent, shall be employed in such manner as the British 
Government may consider best calculated for the purpose of 
opposing the enemy; provided that two battalions of sepoys 
shall always remain, as settled by former treaties, near to the 
capital of Hyderabad ; and it is also hereby agreed that, except- 
ing the said subsidiary and contingent forces, his Highness shall 
not, under any circumstances, be called upon to furnish any 
other troops whatsoever. 

Art. 6.- For the purpose of providing the regular monthly 
payment of the said contingent troops, and payment of Appa 
Dessaye's chout, and the allowances to Mohiput Ram's family, 
and to certain Mahratta pensioners, as guaranteed in the 10th 
article of the Treaty of 1822, and also for payment of the in- 
terest at 6 per cent, per annum of the debt due to the Honour- 
able Company, so long as the principal of that debt shall remain 
unpaid, which debt now amounts to about 50 lakhs of Hydera- 



bad rupees, the Nizam hereby agrees to assign the districts Appendix 
mentioned in the accompanying Schedule, marked (A.), yielding >. A> . 
an annual gross revenue of about 50 lakhs of rupees, to the ex- 
clusive management of the British Eesident for the time being 
at Hyderabad, and to such other officers acting under his orders 
as may from time to time be appointed by the Government of 
India to the charge of those districts. 

Art. 7. —By the 12th article of the Treaty of 1800, the 
British Government can, in time of war, call upon that of his 
Highness the Nizam to furnish 9000 cavalry and 6000 infantry 
to accompany the British troops in the field. The present Hy- 
derabad contingent, which is to be maintained at all times 
(whether in peace or war), is accepted as an equivalent for the 
larger body of troops above specified to be furnished in time of 
war ; and it is accordingly hereby declared that the Nizam shall 
not be called upon at any time by the British Government to 
furnish any other troops but those of the subsidiary force and 
the Hyderabad contingent ; and that part of the 12th article of 
the Treaty of 1800 which requires the Nizam to furnish 9000 
cavalry and 6000 infantry is accordingly hereby annulled. 

Art. 8. — The districts mentioned in Schedule (A.) are to 
be transferred to Colonel Low, C.B., the Eesident, immediately 
that the ratified treaty shall be received from Calcutta ; and that 
officer engages, on the part of the British Government, that the 
Eesident at the Court of Hyderabad for the time being shall 
always render true and faithful accounts every year to the Nizam 
of the receipts and disbursements connected with the said dis- 
tricts, and make over any surplus revenue that may exist to his 
Highness, after the payment of the contingent and the other 
items detailed in article 6 of this treaty. 

Art. 9. — This treaty, consisting of nine articles, being this 
day concluded and settled by Colonel John Low, C.B., on behalf 
of the Honourable the English East India Company with the 
Nuwab Nizam-ool-Moolk Asoph Jah Bahadoor, Colonel Low has 
delivered one version thereof in English and Persian, signed 
and sealed by himself, to the Nuwab, who on his part has also 
delivered one copy of the same to Colonel Low, duly executed 

x 4 




by his Highness ; and Colonel Low hereby engages to deliver a 
- copy of the same to his Highness the Nizam, duly ratified by 
the Governor-General in Council, within thirty days from this 

Signed, sealed, and exchanged at Hyderabad, 21st May 
Anno Domini 1853 (12th Shabun, Anno Hegira 1269). 

(Signed) J. Low, Colonel, 

Resident at Hyderabad. 


Schedule of Districts in Berar, the Raichore Doab, and Bor- 
ders of the Sholapore and Ahmednuggur Collectorates, Bom- 
bay Presidency, transferred to the management of the British 
Resident at Hyderabad, agreeably to the Provisions of Article 
6 of the Treaty of 1853 (Fuslee 1263), entered into by the 
Honourable East India Company with his Highness the 

The districts in Berar transferred to British management are 
those lying to the north of the range of hills which extends 
from Adjuntah, on the west, to Woon, near the Wurda, on the 
east. Any villages not named underneath, within the above- 
mentioned boundary, will be included hereafter among those 
transferred to the management of the British Resident at 

Akola . 
Kurar . 
Posud . 
Nursi . 
Yawuk, alias 
Yawuth Mahal 
Mahagaom . 




Pergunnah : 
Pandur Koura 
Boxhi Kheir 
Wunmaidi . 


Damodi, alias 1 
Damori . J 
Julka . 
Seralla . 

Urgaon (Small) 







Pergunnah : 


Pergunnah : 


Akote .... 

. 77,000 

BathKolee . 

. 38,596 


. 1,25,000 


. 1,37,932 

Julgaon . . 

. 97,000 


. 10,871 


. 35,155 

Pullas Keira . 

. 10,011 

Morsi .... 

. 36,000 

Sawurgaon Taklee 


PaUa .... 


Neer Pursoo Pundet 


Malghat . . . 

. 15,000 

Nandgaom Cazee . 

. 13,263 













Juroor .... 


Manjur Keir 


Karlah .... 

. * 8,020 

Oomrawuttee Eanee 


BhilKeira . 


Hewer Keir . 

. 22,601 


. 58,442 



Batkore Shaik Baboo . 

. 15,881 


. 19,189 

Barsee Taklee 

. 12,076 


. 75,000 

Babun .... 


Mana . 

. 22,000 


. 18,592 


. 10,000 


. 24,001 


. 18,000 

Penjur .... 

. 16,682 

Mortizapoor . 

. 45,000 

Peepulgaon Eaja . 

. 37,946 

Mungalore Peer . 

. 40,000 

Buneira Bebee 

. 37,759 

Koora . 

. 45,000 


. 33,807 

Mimgaloree Dustigeer 

. 12,000 

Thullagaom . 

. 21,173 

Kusbeo Korum Keir, &c. . 8,708 

Tiktab .... 


Dhumej, &c. 




Ussalgaom . 

. 10,105 

Kaoja .... 


Akote . 


Boroor . 

. 90,394 


. 2,41,275 

Soorli .... 


Mulkapoor . 

. 51,319 

Unjungdombari . . 




Seaeeala, alias Seerala . 






Eohin Kheir 


Bukki . . 



. 20,727 

Ellichpoor . 

. 1,00,000 



Kurujgaom . 

. 1,00,000 



TInjungaom f 

. 1,05,219 




. 20,000 

Koleli . 


Akoli .... 

. *6,500 


. 17,955 



Dharsangvi . 


Budneira Gungaee 

. 59,843 


. 17,436 


. 30,371 

Karinja Bebee 

. 23,535 

Salood .... 

. 23,912 

Kari Dhamini 

. 14,297 

Papoo, alias Papul 


Kam urgaon . 


Punj Mahagaom . 

. 51,921 

Total . 

Es. 30,95,309 
Per "| 35,000 


. 61,710 

Deduct amount of 

Chinchona . 
Khed Belloora 

. 11,139 
. 14,910 

sonal jagheers 

Seena .... 

. 14,820 


Es. 30,60,309 


. 17,855 


Appendix The above amount is exclusive of deh sadur, russooms muk 
^" . tabs, yeomeas, enams, and all charitable allowances hitherto 
held, which will only be paid to the several claimants after they 
have established their rights by the production of proper sunnuds, 
or other official documents acknowledged to be correct by the 
Nizam's government. 

Districts in the Eaichore Doab, transferred to the management 
of the British Eesident, the boundaries of which are the Eivers 
Krishna and Toombuddra, on the north, south, and east, and 
the Honourable Company's Frontier, belonging to the Bom 
bay Presidency, on the west. 

(Any talooks or villages not named underneath, within 
the above-mentioned boundary, will be included hereafter 
among those transferred to the management of the British 
Eesident at Hyderabad.) 


Pergunnah Deodroog, &c, and the talook of Kadloor, &c. . . . 1,07,872 

The Gudwal Peshcush 1,15,000 

Pergunnah Huvelee, Eaichore, and Mahalat . . . . .3,93,380 
Pergunnah Kanegheri, &c., and Gooboor and Tharanah . . . 2,22,280 

Pergunnah Kopal, &e. . 1,84,887 

Pergunnah Moodkhee and Moodgul 59,063 

Pergunnah Gungawuttee 66,860 

Total . . . Bs. 11,51,342 

No claims in these districts will be allowed for personal 
jagheers hitherto held till the rights to the same shall have 
been established by the production of proper sunnuds, or other 
official documents acknowledged to be correct by the Nizam's 

The above rule is also applicable to russooms, muktahs, yeo- 
meas, enams, and all charitable allowances. 

Districts on his Highness's Western Frontier, bordering on the 
Honourable Company's Bombay Collectorates of Ahmednug- 
gur and Shorapore. 

1. The 16 villages in the Beer District, on the boundaries 



the Jamkhair Talook, in the Honourable Company's territory, Appendix 


viz. : — 





Es. a. p. 


. 902 



Seerapoor Dhomulla 

. 1,417 15 

Kutola . 

. 773 



Bhateli . 

. 1,452 3 9 

Koptee . 

. 574 



Bawee . 

. 505 


. 740 




. 292 

Moralah. . 

. 1,595 


Vernee . 

. 624 3 


. 374 


Madmapore . 

. 232 10 

Warjur . 

. 1,189 


. 436 11 


. 104 



Kotun . 

. 1,965 


Total . 

Es. 13,181 

2. All the villages in the districts of 

Katee, Kullum, Lohara, 

Maidee, Latoor, Gunjotee, 

Peramdah, Nuldroog, Alund, and 

Daraseo, Tooljapoor, Afzulpore, 


and which districts are within the boundaries on the north and 
east of the Man j era, on the west of the Honourable Company's 
territory, in the Ahmednuggur and Shorapore Collectorates of 
the Bombay Presidency, on the south of the Bheema, and on 
the east in as direct a line as can possibly be drawn between the 
town of Nittoor, on the Manjeera, and Ufzalpore, on the 
Bheema, yielding a gross revenue of about eight lakhs of rupees 
per annum, exclusive of personal jagheers, yeomeas, rUssooms, 
and charitable allowances. 

No claims on these districts will be allowed for personal 
jagheers hitherto held till the rights to the same shall have 
been established, by the production of proper sunnuds, or other 
official documents acknowledged to be correct by the Nizam's 

The above rule is also applicable to russooms, yeomeas, 
enams, and all charitable allowances. 

The TaloOks detailed hereafter, belonging to Surf-ee-Kass and 



Appendix the Noblemen mentioned underneath, will be left to the 
v_ / revenue management of the officers appointed for that pur- 

pose by the Hyderabad Government. 


Surf-ee-Kass Talooks : 


Jaheer Talooks belonging to 


Budneira Gungaier 

. 59,843 

Suraj-ool-Moolk Bahadoor : 

Punchgohan . 

. 30,371 



Salood . 

. 23,912 

Mana .... 


Papoo, alias Papul 




Punj Mahagaom . 

. 51,921 




. 61,710 





Mungalore Dustigeer 


Khed Ballora 

. 14,910 

"Numgalore Peer 


Seona . 


Kora .... 


Banoda . 

. 17,855 

Es. 2,67,000 

Bath Kolee . 

. 38,596 

Doab Talooks belonging to 

Patrote . 

. 1,37,932 

Surf-ee-Kass : 

Mai Keira 


Mooshkee and Moodgul . 


Pullus Keira . 

. 10,011 

Total . Es. 


Talooks on the west of his Highness the Nizam's Territories, 
bordering on the Collectorates of Ahmednuggur and Shora- 

Surf-ee-Kass : Villages in the Lohara Talook. 

Ditto - - Grunjotee Talook. 
Ditto - - Allund Talook. 

Shums-ool-Oomrah Bahadoor's Talook of Ufzulpore. 

(Signed) J. Low, Colonel, 

Resident at Hyderabad. 

Hyderabad, 21st May, 1853. 


Supplemental Treaty between her Majesty the Queen of Great 
Britain on the one part, and his Highness the Nuwab (Uf- 


on the other part, settled by Lieutenant-Colonel Cuthbert 
Davidson, C.B., Resident at the court of his Highness, by 
virtue of full powers to that effect vested in him by his 



Excellency the Right Honourable Charles John Earl Appendix 
Canning, Gr.C.B. f Viceroy and Governor-General of India, . __ f • , 
and one of her Majesty's Most Honourable Privy Council. 

Whereas it will be for the convenience of both the contracting 
parties to the Treaty of 1853, and will simplify the relations of 
the two Governments, if certain modifications of that treaty are 
made, and whereas certain matters not dealt with in that treaty 
call for adjustment between the two contracting parties, and 
whereas it is the desire of the Grovernor-Greneral in Council to 
give all possible solemnity to certain acts marking the high 
esteem in which his Highness the Nizam is held by her Majesty 
the Queen; therefore the following articles have been agreed 
upon and determined between the Viceroy and Grovernor-Greneral 
on behalf of her Majesty and the Nuwab Ufzool-ood-Dowlah 
Nizam-ool-Moolk Asoph Jah Bahadoor. 

Article 1. — All treaties and engagements between the two 
States and not contrary to the tenor of this engagement are 
hereby confirmed by it. 

Art. 2. — The Viceroy and Grovernor-Greneral in Council cedes 
to his Highness the Nizam in full sovereignty the territory of 

Art. 3. — The debt of about fifty lakhs of Hyderabad rupees 
due by the Nizam to the British Grovernment is hereby can- 

Art. 4. — His Highness the Nizam agrees to forego all demand 
for an account of the receipts and expenditure of the assigned 
districts for the past, present, or future. But the British Gro- 
vernment will pay to his Highness any surplus that may here- 
after accrue after defraying all charges under Art. 6, and all 
future expenses of administration, the amount of such expenses 
being entirely at the discretion of the British Grovernment. 

Art. 5. — The Viceroy and Grovernor-Greneral in council re- 
stores to his Highness the Nizam all the assigned districts in 
the Raichore Doab and on the western frontier of the dominions 
of his Highness adjoining the collectorates of Ahmednuggur and 



Appendix Art. 6. — The districts in Berar already assigned to the British 
... ^' ... Government under the Treaty of 1853, together with all the 
Surf-ee-Kass Talooks comprised therein, and such additional dis- 
tricts adjoining thereto as will suffice to make up a present 
annual gross revenue of thirty-two lakhs of rupees currency 
of the British Grovernment, shall be held by the British Grovern- 
ment in trust for the payment of the troops of the Hyderabad 
Contingent, Appah Dessaye's chout, the allowances to Mahiput 
Ram's family, and certain pensions mentioned in Art. 6 of the 
said treaty. 

Art. 7. — The Surf-ee-Kass Talooks and additional districts 
mentioned in the foregoing article, are to be transferred to the 
Resident as soon as this treaty is ratified. 

Art. 8. — His Highness the Nizam cedes to the British Go- 
vernment in full sovereignty all the possessions of his Highness 
on the left bank of the river Godavery and of the river Wyne 
Grunga above the confluence of the two rivers, viz., the Talooks 
of Eakapilly, Buddrachellum, Cheila, Albaka, Noojood, and 

Art. 9. — The navigation of the river Grodavery and its tribu- 
taries, so far as they form the boundary between the two States, 
shall be free, and no customs' duties or other cesses shall be 
levied by either of the two contracting parties, or by the subjects 
of either, on goods passing up or down the aforesaid rivers. 

Art. 10. — This treaty, consisting of ten articles, being this 
day concluded and settled by Lieutenant-Colonel Cuthbert 
Davidson, C.B., on behalf of the Viceroy and Governor-General 
of India, with the Nuwab-Ufzul-ood-Dowlah Nizam-ool-Moolk 
Asoph Jah Bahadoor, Lieutenant-Colonel Cuthbert Davidson has 
delivered one version thereof in English and Persian, signed 
and sealed by himself, to the Nuwab, who on his part has also 
delivered one copy of the same to Lieutenant-Colonel David- 
son, duly executed by his Highness ; and Lieutenant-Colonel 
Davidson hereby engages to deliver a copy of the same to his 
Highness the Nizam, duly ratified by the Viceroy and Grovernor- 
Greneral, within thirty days from this date, when this copy here- 
with signed and sealed by the British Resident will be returned. 

Dated this 7th day of December, 1860. 





Minute by the Most Noble the Governor-General of India. Appendix 

1. Address the Resident at Hyderabad. State that the time Affairs of ' 
has now elapsed within which his Highness the Nizam was theNlzani - 
required, in a despatch dated 25th August, 1849, to discharge 

the large debt which was due by him to the Government of 

2. I have purposely abstained from addressing to the Resident 
any instructions in anticipation, which should direct him to 
adopt at once specific measures in the event of his Highness 
having failed to meet the demands of this Grovernment at the 
time fixed. 

The tenor of the despatches addressed to me by the Honourable 
Court has confirmed me in my desire to avoid to the very last 
any proceeding towards the Nizam which could bear the appear- 
ance of harshness or of undue haste. 

But I entertain as firm a conviction as before that a due 
regard for our own interests forbids our consenting to any 
further postponement of the settlement of our claims upon his 
Highness, while the constant and large additions that have been 
made to the debt since the warning was conveyed to his High- 
ness, and the whole course of his Highness's public conduct, 
plainly show that further indulgence would be no true friend- 


Appendix ship to the State of Hyderabad, but would only lead its ruler 

B ' into deeper embarrassment,- and a more reckless course. 
Affairs of 3. The Resident will therefore be so good as to request an 
e izam. au( ji ence £ ^ Highness the Nizam. He will state to his High- 
ness that he has been directed by the Government of India to 
remind him that the time has now elapsed within which, as his 
Highness was informed, the Government of India required that 
the debt due to it by his Highness should be discharged. 

Although in the interval his Highness has frequently intimated 
his intention of taking measures for this purpose, the debt has 
not only not been diminished, but has been largely increased. 

The Resident will observe that the Governor-General is unwil- 
ling to assume that when the period fixed shall have arrived, 
his Highness will still have made no effort to meet the just claims 
of the Government of India; but that the Governor-General 
has instructed him to add, that if he (the Resident) should 
report, as the result of the present interview, that his Highness 
has taken no effectual measures for the fulfilment of his own 
assurances and for the discharge of the debt, the Resident will 
thereafter immediately receive instructions to communicate to 
his Highness those measures to which the Government of India 
will feel it to be its duty to resort, in order to protect its own 

4. The Resident will further be so good as to convey to his 
Highness an expression of the surprise and dissatisfaction with 
which the Government of India has learned that his Highness 
continues still to neglect the appointment of a minister for the 
conduct of his affairs. It is a delusion for his Highness to sup- 
pose that he, the sovereign alone, can properly direct the difficult 
and complicated business of a great kingdom without the services 
of an experienced and responsible minister of state. 

If such a state of things should continue, the finances of the 
kingdom will fall into confusion even greater than that which 
now prevails ; disorders already so rife within the bounds of his 
territories will multiply on all sides, and the authority of the 
sovereign will speedily be set at naught. 

The Government of India would regret to see the affairs of 



its ally involved in such perplexity; it therefore earnestly Appendix 
impresses on his Highness the necessity of immediately exer- B ' , 
cising the authority which belongs to him, and of discharging Affairs of 
the duty that he owes to the State over which he rules. The the Nizam ' 
Government of India, as a neighbouring power, is deeply 
interested in the preservation of order and obedience within his 
Highness's territories ; it therefore has a right to call upon his 
Highness to take those measures for the ordinary administration 
of his affairs without which order and obedience will be lost. 

5. If it should unfortunately be the duty of the Eesident to 
report (as his recent despatches render probable) that no effectual 
steps have been taken by the Nizam for the liquidation of his 
debt, and that the amount of it, already increased in the interval 
from 54 to 70 lakhs, is becoming gradually larger still, I see no 
means by which its payment can be secured except by taking 
possession of some portion of his Highness's territories, from the 
revenues of which repayment can be made. 

6. The Eesident has further urged, that, whatever arrange- 
ment may be made for the payment of the debt, it should embrace 
also a similar provision for the regular repayment of the contin- 

Judging from experience of the past, I feel little doubt of this 
measure becoming eventually indispensable. Probably we shall 
find ourselves compelled to retain permanently, for the regular 
payment of the contingent, those districts which we may now 
occupy temporarily for the liquidation of the debt. 

7. If revenue to the amount of 35 lakhs annually shall now 
be allotted^ it will provide for the payment of the debt in three 
years, and will also provide means for making good the defi- 
ciencies which ordinarily occur in the payment made for the 

If, however, the Nizam's government should, after these 
revenues are allotted, allow the pay of the contingent to fall still 
more into arrears than heretofore, other and more stringent 
measures will then become necessary. 

8. The Resident, in forming his opinions regarding the terri- 
tories to be now made over, will bear in mind the probable 

VOL. I. Y 




Affairs of 
the Nizam. 

necessity of retaining them permanently under our own control, 
in order to secure the regular payment of the contingent. In 
selecting the districts best fitted for the purpose, he will take 
into consideration advantages of police, as well as of revenue : 
his long experience will enable him to state with confidence 
from which districts under the Madras and Bombay Presidencies 
references are most frequently made, or in which the most fre- 
quent troubles prevail ; whether arising from the inherent 
turbulence of the people, or from the natural advantages which 
the country affords for opposition and rebellion. There will be 
no occasion to confine our demand to the cession of one continu- 
ous tract ; for the opportunity should not be lost of endeavouring 
to get rid of all intermixed jurisdictions. 

9. On these points, and on all others connected with this sub- 
ject, I shall be happy to receive the opinion and suggestions of 
the Kesident. 

I have, &c. 

1st January, 1851. 




No. 66 of 1851. — Foreign Department. 

From the Secretary to the Government of India with the 
Governor-General to the Resident at Hyderabad. 

Sir, — In reply to your letter No. 295, dated 29th November 
last, I am directed by the Governor-General to state that the 
time has now elapsed within which his Highness the Nizam was 
required, in a despatch dated 25th August, 1849, to discharge 
the large debt which was due by him to the Government of 

2. His Lordship has purposely abstained from addressing any 
instructions to you in anticipation, which should direct you to 
adopt at once specific measures, in the event of his Highness 
having failed to meet the demands of this Government at the 
time fixed. 



3. The tenor of the despatches addressed to the Governor- Appendix 
General by the Honourable Court has confirmed his Lordship in . 
his desire to avoid to the very last any proceeding towards the Affairs of 
Nizam which could bear the appearance of harshness or of undue the Nlzam< 

4. But his Lordship entertains as firm a conviction as before 
that a due regard for our own interests forbids our consenting 
to any further postponement of the settlement of our claims 
upon his Highness, while the constant and large additions that 
have been made to the debt since the warning was conveyed to 
his Highness, and the whole course of his Highness's public 
conduct, plainly show that further indulgence would be no true 
friendship to the State of Hyderabad, but would only lead its 
ruler into deeper embarrassment and a more reckless course. 

5. You will, therefore, be so good as to request an audience 
of his Highness the Nizam ; you will state to his Highness that 
you have been directed by the Government of India to remind 
him that the time has now elapsed within which his Highness 
was informed the Government of India required that the debt 
due to it by his Highness should be discharged. 

6. Although in the interval his Highness has frequently inti- 
mated his intention of taking measures for this purpose, the 
debt has not only not been diminished, but has been largely 

7. You will observe that the Governor-General is unwilling 
to assume that when the period fixed shall have arrived, his 
Highness will still have made no effort to meet the just claims 
of the Government of India, but that his Lordship has in- 
structed you to add that if you should report, as the result of 
the present interview, that his Highness has taken no effectual 
measures for the fulfilment of his own assurances and for the 
discharge of the debt, you will thereafter immediately receive 
instructions to communicate to his Highness those measures to 
which the Government of India will feel it to be its duty to 
resort in order to protect its own interests. 

8. You will further be so good as to convey to his Highness 
an expression of the surprise and dissatisfaction with which the 

Y 2 



Appendix Government of India has learned that his Highness continues 
s_ _, still to neglect the appointment of a minister for the conduct of 
Affairs of his affairs. It is a delusion for his Highness to suppose that he, 
the sovereign, alone can properly direct the difficult and com- 
plicated business of a great kingdom without the services of an 
experienced and responsible minister of state. 

9. If such a state of things should continue, the finances of 
the kingdom will fall into confusion even greater than that 
which now prevails ; disorders, already so rife within the bounds 
of his territories, will multiply on all sides, and the authority of 
the sovereign will speedily be set at naught. 

10. The Government of India would regret to see the affairs 
of its ally involved in such perplexity : it therefore earnestly 
impresses on his Highness the necessity of immediately exer- 
cising the authority which belongs to him, and of discharging 
the duty that he owes to the State over which he rules. The 
Government of India, as a neighbouring power, is deeply in- 
terested in the preservation of order and obedience within his 
Highness's territories ; it therefore has a right to call upon his 
Highness to take those measures for the ordinary administration 
of his affairs, without which order and obedience will be lost. 

11. If it should unfortunately be your duty to report (as your 
recent despatches render probable) that no effectual steps have 
been taken by the Nizam for the liquidation of his debt, and 
that the amount of it, already increased in the interval from 54 
to 70 lakhs, is becoming gradually larger still, the Governor- 
General sees no means by which its payment can be secured 
except by taking possession of some portion of his Highness's 
territories, from the revenues of which repayment can be made. 

12. You have further urged that, whatever arrangements may 
be made for the payment of the debt, it should embrace also a 
similar provision for the regular payment of the contingent. 
Judging from experience of the past, his Lordship feels little 
doubt of the measure becoming eventually indispensable ; and 
probably we shall find ourselves compelled to retain perma- 
nently, for the regular payment of the contingent, those districts 



which we may now occupy temporarily for the liquidation of the Appendix 
debt. . 

13. If revenue to the amount of 35 lakhs annually shall now ^ ffa ^ of 

J the Nizam, 

be allotted, it will provide for the payment of the debt in three 

years, and will also provide means for making good the defi- 
ciencies which ordinarily occur in the payments made for the 
contingent. If, however, the Nizam's Crovernment should, after 
these revenues are allotted, allow the pay of the contingent to 
fall still more into arrears than heretofore, other and more strin- 
gent measures will then become necessary. 

14. In forming your opinion regarding the territories to be 
now made over, you will bear in mind the probable necessity of 
retaining them permanently under our own control, in order to 
secure the regular payment of the contingent. In selecting the 
districts best fitted for the purpose, you will take into considera- 
tion advantages of police as well as of revenue. Your long 
experience will enable you to state with confidence from which 
districts under the Madras and Bombay Presidencies references 
are most frequently made, or in wdiich the most frequent trou- 
bles prevail, whether arising from the inherent turbulence of the 
people, or from the natural advantages which the country affords 
for opposition and rebellion. There will be no occasion to con- 
fine our demand to the cession of one continuous tract, for the 
opportunity should not be lost of endeavouring to get rid of all 
intermixed jurisdictions. 

15. On these points, and on all others connected with this 
subject, his Lordship will be happy to receive your opinions and 

I have, &c. 
(Signed) H. M. Elliot, 

Secretary to the Government of India 
with the Grovernor-Greneral. 

Camp, Wuzeerabad, 
4th January, 1851. 

Y 3 




No. 35 of 1851. 

Appendix From Major-General J. S. Fraser, Resident at Hyderabad, to 

y- ^1 - Sir H. M. Elliot, K.C.B., Secretary to the Government of 

Affairs of India with the Most Noble the Governor-General, 

the Nizam. 

Sir, — I have now the honour to reply to that part of your letter, 
No. 66, under date the 4th ultimo, which refers to our taking 
possession Of some portion of the Nizam's territories, from the 
revenues of which repayment of the debt which his Highness 
owes to us may be made, in the event of his not having taken 
any effectual steps for liquidating it. 

2. He has not yet done so ; and I do not learn, from either 
himself or others, that any reasonable hope can be entertained of 
his Highness's compliance with our just demand in this respect. 

3. At all events, this had not been done at the time when the 
Government of India stated its expectation that the whole 
amount of debt should be repaid, namely, the 31st December, 
1850 ; for that time is past, and so far from the debt being repaid, 
now amounting to Rs. 70,77,436. 2. 4., it has not diminished to 
the extent of a single rupee ; nor do I believe there is the re- 
motest chance that the Nizam would be able to fulfil his promise 
of repaying his debt by instalments of 12 lakhs of rupees per 
annum, even if we acceded to that arrangement. 

4. With a view, then, to the mere repayment of the debt, 
nothing remains but to take possession, as proposed, of a portion 
of his Highness's territory for this purpose. 

5. Your letter refers to the allotment of revenue to the amount 
of 35 lakhs of rupees annually for the liquidation of the debt in 
three years, and at the same sime the provision of means for 
making good the deficiencies which ordinarily occur in pay- 
ments made for the contingent. 

6. In forming my opinion regarding the territories to be now 
made over with this view, I am directed to bear in mind the 
probable necessity of retaining them under our own control, in 
order to secure the regular payment of the contingent ; and in 
selecting the districts best fitted for this purpose, I am instructed 



to take into consideration advantages of police as well as Appendix 
revenue. ^ ^' 

7. In both points of view I consider that Berar Payeen Ghaut, Affairs of 
the border districts from thence down to Shorapore, and the 
territory of the Doab, between the Krishna and Toombuddra, 

are best suited for our purpose.* 

8. The precise boundaries of several of these districts are not 
distinctly given in any map in my possession, nor in any map, I 
believe, extant. 

9. The nearest approach to this information which I can obtain, 
has been found on an inspection of several maps, printed and 
manuscript, compared with the enclosed revenue accounts fur- 
nished to me by Pestonjee Merjee, Esq., who has at different 
times had means of access to them, which I never possessed. 

10. It would be in vain for me to ask for them, or to expect 
anything like a correct account, either from the Circar or the 
present Government officers, even if I could with propriety at 
the present stage of the question apply for them. 

11. Pestonjee Merjee was actually Talookdar of Berar Payeen 
Ghaut for some years anterior to 1845, when he was removed 
by order of his Highness the Nizam. 

12. There can be no doubt that the amount of revenue has been 
since considerably reduced, in consequence of the disturbances in 
Berar, as well as general mismanagement ; and, probably, under 
all the circumstances of the case, Rs. 36,82,517. 11. 3. per 
annum is the utmost of what the Circar now receives from the 
several districts mentioned. 

13. With respect to geographical position, I do not think that 
any territory we could select is better situated than that which 
I have suggested. 

14. The districts herein proposed produce nearly the amount 
of revenue desired by the Government, and I consider them 
equally advantageous in a revenue and police point of view. 

* Containing the districts of Nar- rainda, Nnldroog, and Gulburga, 
nellah and Gaveil : namely, Beytal- containing the districts of Raichore, 
baddy, Dowlutabad, Pyetun, part of Mudgul, part of Gudjunderghur, and 
Ahmednuggur Circar, Bheer, Pe- Annagoondee. 

y 4 




Affairs of 
the Nizam. 

15. Berar Payeen Ghaut is, without exception, the richest and 
most fertile part of the Nizam's country, and the Eaichore Doab 
is the next to it in this respect. These two districts hold out 
great prospect of improvement in regard to revenue and com- 
merce, from an extended culture of the two articles of cotton 
and opium. 

16. The opium now grown in Berar is principally smuggled 
into Malwa, and there undergoes further preparation to fit it for 
exportation to Bombay, as particularly explained in a letter 
from me to the Government of India, No. 102, under date the 
27th July, 1847. 

17. The quantity of this article now cultivated in Berar Payeen 
Grhaut, as well as of cotton, might be greatly increased, and the 
duty upon them would form in itself a very productive source of 

18. The advantages of Eaichore will be more particularly 
stated in a memorandum I have requested from Captain Taylor, 
which will be forwarded with this despatch, if it arrives in time. 
I have applied to him for it in consequence of his having become 
well acquainted, by his local position in the adjoining district of 
Shorapore, with the capabilities and resources of the south- 
western portion of the Nizam's country. 

19. In a police point of view, there can, I think, be no doubt 
that the proposed districts are the best that could be selected. 

20. They give us the whole frontier from the north-east angle 
of the Nizam's country (where the Nagpore and British territo- 
ries unite), along the northern and western boundaries, with the 
exception only of Shorapore, now under British management, 
and also the southern boundary as far as the junction of the 
Krishna and Toombuddra. 

21. The possession of this frontier would enable us, I trust ? 
to prevent the further influx of foreign military adventurers into 
the country, which neither the authorities in Scindia's territory 
to the north, nor those in Kandeish to the north-west, have been 
able to effect : and as disputes between the Company's subjects 
and those of his Highness the Nizam have hitherto occurred 
principally on the western frontier adjoining the district of 



Ahmednuggur, and on the southern boundary between the Appendix 

inhabitants of Eaichore and those of the Company's ceded dis- . ^ ✓ 

tricts, these sources of inconvenience will no longer exist, or, if ^ ffa ^ s of 
they recur, they will be of easy correction, since this will be in 
our own power, instead of that of the corrupt and procrastinating 
officers of the Nizam's government. 

22. With respect to the exception in the continued line of 
boundary above mentioned, I would fain hope that it will not 
prove any objection to the proposed arrangement. 

23. The Raja of Shorapore is near his majority ; but I pre- 
sume that when that district is given over to his own charge, 
measures will be taken by the Supreme Government for keep- 
ing it, for some years at least, subject to the general control of 
a British officer. It is at present in a favourable and improving 
condition ; but if given up to the young Raja's exclusive and 
uncontrolled authority, it will quickly revert to the state of 
barbarism and confusion in which it was before. 

24. This subject will, of course, form the subject of a separate 
despatch hereafter. 

25. I enclose a small outline map of the Nizam's country, 
showing the position of the districts which I am now proposing 
as the most suitable to be brought under our management ; but 
if it be wished to refer to a map upon a larger scale, I would 
mention the latest edition of Arrowsmith, which is the only 
general map I have seen that contains a division of the Nizam's 
country into its several districts. It is by no means quite correct, 
with the exception of Berar Payeen Ghaut, but may sufficiently 
answer the« purpose of reference. 

26. Having now stated my opinion regarding the arrange- 
ments that might be expedient in order to give effect to the 
object referred to in your letter, I have only to add on this part 
of the subject, that if the British Grovernment shall think proper 
to adopt them, this had better, I think, be done in decided terms 
by means of a letter from the Most Noble the Governor-General 
himself, than that they should be made the subject of prelimi- 
nary discussion and negotiation at Hyderabad. 

27. The weak character of the Nizam, and the corrupt in- 


Appendix fluence under which he acts, would render all negotiation hope- 
> _ B * . less, especially situated as we are at present, without a minister 
Affairs of or public officer of any kind with whom I could place myself in 
the Nizam. ^ rec ^ commun i ca ti n upon matters of business, with the slightest 
prospect of advantage. 

28. I would now beg permission to proceed somewhat beyond 
the limits of the view of policy taken in your letter, and to sub- 
mit to the Government of India, whether the present circum- 
stances of this State would not justify our making a proposition 
to the Nizam of a more comprehensive nature than that at pre- 
sent contemplated by Government, which provides for our own 
interests only, not for those of the country at large, either as 
regards its sovereign or its inhabitants. 

29. I mean a proposition for the cession of the whole of the 
Nizam's country to our sole and exclusive management and 
authority for a definite number of years, with the allotment of 
such portion of its revenue as might be considered suitable for 
the honourable support of his Highness and his family, and a 
guarantee for the maintenance of the nobles and inhabitants of 
the country generally in all their just rights and privileges. 

30. It should be, however, an indispensable part of the ar- 
rangement, without which its great advantages might again be 
ultimately lost, that on the lapse of that period, and the restora- 
tion of the country to the management of his Highness, such 
political relations should be established between the British Gro- 
vernment and that of the Nizam as should admit of a sufficiently 
decided interference on our part, when necessary to prevent the 
possibility of the country ever reverting to its present state of 
ruin and degradation. 

31. I speak of this as a proposition only, and by no means an 
imperative demand, from which his Highness would not be per- 
mitted to dissent ; for this latter would be unjustifiable under 
any consideration of international law, in as far as it is not called 
for by any sufficiently sensible injury which has yet accrued to 
the neighbouring British territory, nor any such detriment to 
the general interests of the Indian empire, as we might render 
the ground and motive of an absolute demand. 



32. The proposition might be brought forward in a letter from Appendix 

the Government of India in such a calm and dispassionate tone v ^1 , 

as could give no offence, and with those reasons for it which I Affairs of 
shall now proceed to detail. 1 

33. They not only ostensibly, but, in point of fact, have re- 
ference much more to the interests of the Nizam himself than 
to those of the British Government. 

34. We are about to assume, in pursuance of a just right to 
do so, which cannot be denied, the temporary management of a 
tract of country yielding from 30 to 40 lakhs of rupees per annum, 
and the Nizam, therefore, will have so much income less to meet 
those demands, to which his whole and undivided revenue has 
long been proved to be quite unequal. He has been unable for 
the last five years to pay the contingent, excepting by partial 
instalments only, although he considers this to be the first and 
most important payment incumbent on his government to make; 
and it cannot, therefore, be expected that he should be able to 
meet this essential claim upon him with his financial means 
diminished to the extent above mentioned. It is all but certain 
that he will not be afrle to pay the contingent for any further 
period than perhaps the next few months, and this probably but 
in small proportion only. The ultimate consequence, then, must 
be, and I see no reason why this argument should not be set 
before him in a plain and distinct light, that we shall be under 
the necessity of retaining permanently in our possession the ter- 
ritory of which we are now about to assume the temporary charge. 

35. That the contingent should ever be done away altogether 
is a vain idea, impossible to be realised without the most imme- 
diate ruin of the country, and final destruction of even that 
portion of peace and tranquillity of which the inhabitants are 
still left in the enjoyment; all these consequences being so pal- 
pable and certain to ensue, that the idea of disbanding, or even 
much reducing the contingent, is, I believe, one of the last that 
the Nizam would entertain. 

36. The debts of the Nizam's government now amount, 
perhaps, to three crore of rupees, besides the two crore which 
he alleges to have advanced during Eaja Earn Buksh's admi- 


Appendix nistration, and which he himself told me he expected to be re- 

s_ ^ > paid. But these two crore were lent without interest, or, to use 

Affairs of the very words which the Nizam employed in speaking to me 
on the subject, " Qurzihusuna." A great portion, however, of 
the remainder of the debt bears interest, and there certainly can 
be no chance of this being supplied when it cannot be so even now. 

37. The sahoocars are clamorous for the payment of their 
debts, and refuse to make any more advances till satisfactory ar- 
rangements are made for the liquidation of the payments already 
made. One alone of these sahoocaars, Pestonjee Merjee, Esq., 
claims a debt of 42 lakhs of rupees from the Nizam's government: 
but he finds it so impossible to obtain the payment of even a 
single rupee, that he is sending home his son and nephew by 
the present steamer from Bombay, with a view to memorialise 
the Court of Directors for such assistance and redress as they 
may think proper to afford him. 

38. The irregular troops of the Nizam, absorbing nominally 
half, or at least a third of the revenues of the State, are so far 
in "arrears, that if they do not actually mutiny, they declare 
almost invariably when they are ordered upon service that they 
cannot move for want of pay. The reduced means of the Nizam 
will equally increase the difficulty of his paying these men, as it 
does with respect to the other claims above mentioned. 

39. The Arabs, a powerful body of men, have claims on the 
Government to the amount, I understand, of about 20 or 25 lakhs 
of rupees ; and but for the fact that they have possession of 
districts and forts, which they will continue to retain as a gua- 
rantee for repayment, unless they are actualJy driven from them 
by military force, which might prove no very easy task, or are 
influenced by the hope of a just settlement of their accounts 
under British authority : their claims also, and the difficulties 
arising from this cause, would have to be added to the rest. 

40. The distracted state of the northern part of the Nizam's 
country, occasioned in a great measure by the presence there of 
bands of foreign adventurers, has been sufficiently explained in 
my recent correspondence. 

41. This particular mischief, it is true, may be remedied in 



some degree by the measures I have already recommended in Appendix 
recent despatches to the sanction of the Grovernment of India, . B " , 
and its recurrence may be entirely and for ever prevented by Affairs of 
our possession of the frontier districts. 

42. But all the other difficulties I have enumerated will not 
only continue to exist, but will certainly be rapidly increased by 
our partial assumption of territory ; and in securing our own 
interests, we shall greatly have deteriorated those of the Nizam. 

43. But it is not only his increased pecuniary embarrassments, 
and further disorganisation of the country, that are to be appre- 
hended, but a great deal of that misery which the inhabitants 
are now suffering must still continue to be endured. 

44. I submit, then, to the Grovernment of India, whether it 
will not be at once more expedient, and more just to the Nizam 
himself, and his country at large, to lay before him a proposition 
to the effect I have now suggested, and to induce him, if he 
must necessarily cease to be an independent and absolute prince, 
to terminate at least his misused and now expiring power, without 
the dishonour of being forced to it by irresistible circumstances, 
instead of calmly and with some degree of dignity yielding a 
voluntary assent to that which cannot long be avoided. 

45. If he refuses, and turns a deaf ear alike to what should 
be the dictate of his own interests, and to the representations of 
the British Grovernment, the consequences will rest with himself ; 
and while we might lament his blindness and insensibility to the 
truest interests of the country he has long misgoverned, we 
should at least not have to reproach ourselves for having preci- 
pitated hie fall. 

46. With the proposition I have suggested, and frank exposi- 
tion of the Nizam's real position and present course of policy, 
the British Grovernment will have discharged its duty not only 
to itself and the empire at large, but so also in an equally 
marked degree to the blind and ignorant prince who rules this 

47. If he rejects this last effort to save him on the part of the 
supreme power of India, acting in a straightforward and honour- 
able manner, and entertaining the most sincere as well as can- 


Affairs of 
the Nizam. 



didly expressed intentions, the responsibility of ulterior events 
will rest with himself, and he never can blame us for having 
withheld from him a knowledge of his present actual position, 
and the consequences to which we foresaw it must inevitably lead. 

48. Whatever representation of importance is now to be made 
to the Nizam, had better, I think, as I have already observed, 
be embodied in a letter from the Grovernor-Greneral. 

49. There is no recognised public individual here at present 
with whom I can personally and officially confer, excepting 
with the Nizam himself ; and the inutility of a personal con- 
ference with him, as well as the difficulty of obtaining it under 
all the requirements of court etiquette, have been too often 
proved to render any further advertence ot this subject neces- 

I have, &c, 
(Signed) J. S. 


Hyderabad Residency, 
4th February, 1851. 

Minute by the Most Noble the Governor-General of India. 

In the autumn of 1849 I recorded briefly the various con- 
siderations which had led me to the conviction that the large 
and increasing debt due by his Highness the Nizam to the 
British Grovernment could no longer be allowed to accumulate ; 
and that his Highness should be called upon to provide for its 
liquidation within a certain fixed period. 

The Nizam was accordingly informed that the debt must be 
liquidated on or before the 1st January, 1851. 

When that period had elapsed, and not till it had elapsed 
fully, the Eesident was instructed to call upon his Highness for 
repayment o\ the large advances made to him by the Grovern- 
ment of India. 

2. The reply of the Eesident has been for some time in my 
hands. I have been concerned — though the line of conduct 
which his Highness has of late pursued hardly admitted of my 



being surprised — to receive from the Resident an intimation Appendix 

that the Nizam was not prepared to liquidate the debt, now > t ! - 

amounting to more than 75 lakhs of rupees, and had made no Affairs of 

. - , . , . . i - f , r . the Nizam, 

preparations for discharging either the whole or any part ot it. 

I have purposely abstained for some time from issuing the 
orders which this communication has rendered it my duty to 
convey to the Resident at Hyderabad, in the hope that the 
strong language of warning which has been addressed to the 
Nizam, and the alarm which his Highness's subsequent proceed- 
ings seemed to indicate, might have led to proposals on his part 
which I could have felt myself justified in accepting, and might 
have relieved me from the necessity of resorting to measures 
which cannot be otherwise than painful to the prince whose 
misguided folly has rendered them inevitable. 

But several months have now passed since I last addressed 
bis Highness, without producing any indication of his intention 
to make an effort in order to meet the serious demand which 
has been advanced against his State ; I can, therefore, no longer 
postpone the execution of my settled and declared purpose, " to 
take such decided steps as the interests of the British Govern- 
ment may demand." 

3. If it could with truth be alleged that the large sums in 
which the Nizam is indebted to the British Government had 
been advanced to him on his solicitation, and without reluctance 
on our part, or if we had become his creditor to serve any pur- 
poses of our own, I should have been slow to resolve on requiring 
at this time peremptorily and promptly a repayment of the sums 
we had thus advanced. 

4. If, as has been stated, the Government of India had 
silently, if not insidiously, permitted his Highness to sink 
deeper and deeper into financial embarrassments, without warn- 
ing him of the perplexities into which he was hurrying, I should 
have abstained from the measures which I now feel it my duty 
to enforce. 

5. If, again, the debt which his Highness has incurred had 
been forced upon him by adverse circumstances, or if, whatever 
had been its origin, the liquidation of it were now impracticable, 



Appendix without reducing his Highness to straits which he would have 
^ _ " B " . reason to regard as harshly subjecting his sovereignty to indig- 
Affairs of nity, I should have been desirous of showing a due degree of 
consideration to a prince whose relations with this Government 
have been so intimate and of such long endurance. 

6. Finally, if the Nizam had appeared to make any material 
efforts towards reducing the extent of his vast liabilities to us, 
or had shown himself less than utterly indifferent to their rapid 
increase, or otherwise than wilfully blind to the consequences 
which have been pointed out, and obstinately deaf to the advice 
which has been offered to him for his own interests in respect of 
these liabilities ; if a further accumulation of his Highness's 
debt could have been permitted without grave inconvenience to 
the British Government, or with any prospect of real advantage 
to the State of Hyderabad, I should have been well disposed 
to bear with his Highness yet a little longer, and should have 
sought to effect by persuasion or by renewed remonstrances 
those ends which must now be accomplished by more vigorous 

7. The records of the Government of India will show that 
the Nizam can advance no such pleas as these for further for- 
bearance, and that the British Government not only lies under 
no obligation, but has no inducement to abstain any longer from 
pressing its just claims on the Court of Hyderabad. 

8. The sum due by his Highness amounts to more than 75 
lakhs of rupees. It consists chiefly of advances made by the 
Eesident at Hyderabad, under the instructions of this Govern- 
ment, for the payment of the contingent troops. These were 
not loans offered and conceded with undue facility by us minis- 
tering to his Highness's improvidence, or merely meeting his 
convenience ; still less were they furnished out of our abundance 
as a convenience to ourselves, or with the view of serving any 
secondary or secret purpose of our own : they were advances 
made for the payment of the troops of the contingent, supplied 
reluctantly, and not until the neglect or inability of the State of 
Hyderabad to furnish the money necessary for the purpose had 
compelled this Government, as an act of good faith, to provide 



their pay for a force which, existing under our treaties, com- Appendix 
manded by our officers, and retained under our control, has a _ 
right to look to us for the fulfilment of the conditions on which Affairs of 
they took service under our virtual guarantee. 

Thus the advances were absolutely necessary for the main- 
tenance of good faith with a body of troops over which we 
exercised authority ; they were equally necessary for upholding 
discipline and efficiency in the only force on which his Highness 
could rely for preserving the internal tranquillity of his king- 
dom ; they were never made until every effort to obtain them 
from the treasury of his Highness had failed ; and they have 
been furnished by us for the most part at a time when difficulties 
pressed heavily on our own financial resources. 

9. There is no warrant for the supposition that his Highness 
has been permitted gradually and unconsciously to become 
entangled in embarrassment from which he could hardly extri- 
cate himself, and without being warned of consequences which 
he had not the sense to foresee. 

On the contrary, a reference to the correspondence will de- 
monstrate that the attention of his Highness has been often and 
earnestly called to the increasing amount of his debt, and to the 
thickening perplexities of his Government ; he has received 
warning with a frequency which appears only to have weakened 
their force in his estimation. He has been told in language 
which could not be misunderstood that the course he was pur- 
suing must of necessity lead in time to the bankruptcy of his 
State, and has been urged with a constancy which only sincerity 
could dictate, and which recklessness alone could disregard, to 
set himself in earnest to the task of extricating his State from 
its financial difficulties by means which have again and again 
been pointed out, and in which his Highness must have been 
fully assured he might count on the aid and counsel of the 
British Government. 

10. No circumstances beyond his own control have created the 
difficulties by which his Highness is now surrounded ; no war has 
drained his treasuries ; no rebellion has ever temporarily strait- 
ened his resources. The territory of Hyderabad is well known to 

VOL. I. Z 


Appendix produce a revenue capable of meeting every reasonable demand 
> _ B ' _^ which could be made upon it for the service of the State, and 
Affairs of fully sufficient to maintain his Highness's court in splendour, 
and his sovereignty in respect : honestly administered, and hus- 
banded with only ordinary care, the income of the State of 
Hyderabad would have amply provided against the accumula- 
tion of the heavy burdens by which it is at present oppressed. 

Even now, although the debt to the British Government has 
reached the large sums I have named, and although a further 
and still larger debt is due to other creditors, the public re- 
venues would be able, without much difficulty, to meet all these 
demands, if the Nizam would consent to enter upon an exami- 
nation of the condition of public affairs, would disband the 
hordes of useless rabble that encumber his State, and would re- 
move the foreign mercenaries who eat up his revenue, oppress 
his people, and hold even his royal power in check. 

11. By carrying these measures into effect, the Nizam would 
in no degree lower his own dignity, and would unquestionably 
add to his substantial power, while he would thereby provide 
at once the means of meeting rapidly and easily the claims on 
his treasury, and would avert from himself the mortification 
which is now impending over him. 

Unhappily the Nizam appears to have set himself doggedly 
against the advice which has been repeatedly urged on him, and 
has neglected every attempt to meet his existing obligations, or 
to prevent their future accumulation. Notwithstanding that 
his Highness has absolutely no indispensable calls upon his 
treasury, excepting those which are inseparable from the ordi- 
nary expenses of civil government ; notwithstanding that his 
attention has been incessantly drawn to the subject, and that 
the Government of India has reduced by one half the rate of in- 
terest which it had at first required him to pay, no diminution 
whatever has been made in the amount of his public debt. 
Bepeated promises have been conveyed to the Besident of pay- 
ments to be made at a certain time ; but these resolutions have 
been formed only to be broken through, In little more than 
two years, since I first addressed his Highness, his debt has 



largely and rapidly increased, till it has reached an amount Appendix 
which is of moment even in the transactions of wealthy States. B " . 
Of the foreign mercenaries, the Arabs and Eohillas, who are Affairs of 
employed, none have been discharged ; of the crowds of other 
troops, many of whom there is good reason to believe exist only 
upon paper, all, or nearly all, have been retained. 

12. Notwithstanding the strongly-expressed opinion of this 
Government, his Highness removed from office the Nuwab 
Suraj-ool-Moolk, the only man who seems to be possessed of the 
capacity, or to have the strength of will sufficient to grapple 
with the difficulties of the State, and to cast out its abuses. 
One minister after another has in like manner been removed, 
till for many months past no minister whatever has been ap- 
pointed by his Highness ; and at this moment, in spite of the 
strong representations I have directed to be made to him, the 
Government of Hyderabad remains actually in abeyance. 

13. With such experience of the conduct and character of this 
prince, it would be weakness to give any credence to the pro- 
posals he has made for repayment of his debt, even by such 
meagre and distant instalments as five lakhs per annum, or any 
longer to put faith in pledges which his Highness has never yet 
sought, and which he does not now seek, by any exertion of his 
own to redeem. 

14. The exercise of further forbearance would not be consis- 
tent with a spirit of real friendship to the Nizam ; it could only 
tend to encourage his Highness in permitting his debt to go on 
accumulating hopelessly, till it would ultimately become a bur- 
den utterly ruinous to the State he misgoverns. 

15. Lastly, it must not be forgotten, that the very large 
amount which has now been advanced cannot be regarded with 
indifference even by the Grovernment of India. While our 
finances are as yet hardly to be considered as restored to a satis- 
factory condition, while very large expenditure, consequent on 
recent events, still presses heavily on our income, while impor- 
tant national works call loudly for that full and liberal en- 
couragement which a prudent consideration of the means at our 
disposal still compels us to stint, I cannot reconcile it with my 

z 2 




Affairs of 
the Nizam. 

duty to the Company, with whose interests I am charged, to 
abstain any longer, in the circumstances of this case, from taking- 
such measures as shall be effectual for recovering the advances 
made to his Highness the Nizam within such a period as may 
render them available in some degree for the present necessities 
of our own treasury. 

16. There is only one effectual mode of ensuring the attain- 
ment of the object which I have in view. The Nizam has de- 
clared himself unable to pay any portion of what is due. So 
entirely without credit is the Court of Hyderabad, that it appears 
to be unable to contract a loan for this purpose with sowcars on 
any terms that it has been able to offer. 

In anticipation of this impediment, which has long been ap- 
parent, I intimated to the Eesident that no alternative appeared 
to remain but that of taking possession, for the purpose required, 
of some portion of his Highness's territory ; and I made known 
to him my intention of requiring the Nizam to transfer to the 
officers of Government districts to the value of not less than 35 
lakhs per annum, so as to provide for the payment of the prin- 
cipal of his debt within three years, and, further, to afford a 
margin which should in each year be applicable to meet any 
partial deficiencies which might still occur in the supply of 
monthly pay for the troops of the contingent. 

17. The Eesident suggests that the districts of which we may 
most fitly and most advantageously demand possession are those 
of Berar Payeen Grhaut, the border districts from thence down to 
Shorapore, and the territory of the Doab, between the Krishnah 
and the Toombuddra. 

These districts afford the amount of revenue required ; their 
geographical position is convenient, while they are equally ad- 
vantageous in a revenue and police point of view. 

The possession of these districts will give to us for the present 
the whole frontier of the Nizam's kingdom along its northern 
and western boundaries, and along the southern boundary, as 
far as the junction of the Krishnah and the Toombuddra. 

It will render more difficult than at present the further resort 
of foreign military adventurers to his Highness's territory, and 



put an end to the frequent disturbances which now occur Appendix 
between the people of. those districts and the inhabitants of our , 

18. I have addressed to the Nizam a letter, intimating to him 
the determination he has made it my duty to form, and calling 
upon him to deliver over to the Eesident for the British Govern- 
ment the districts which will be specified to him, together with 
all authority necessary for their management. 

In conveying to his Highness the resolution of the Govern- 
ment of India, I have taken occasion again to address him in 
those terms of earnest remonstrance and of authoritative counsel 
which the condition of his Highness's affairs unhappily seems to 
demand, and which the British Government is still entitled to 

19. The Eesident, having carefully prepared the schedule 
specifying the districts to be transferred, will request an audi- 
ence of his Highness, and will deliver to him my letter, with 
the schedule attached. 

The Eesident will use his discretion in not urging his High- 
ness to compliance with the requirements of the Government 
with undue haste ; but he will meet any remonstrances or soli- 
citations which his Highness may make for further prolonged 
delay, or for another reference, by the declaration, that, after 
having afforded in vain full time and opportunity for his High- 
ness to act, my determination has now been taken deliberately, 
and is fixed irrevocably. He will require his Highness to com- 
ply with the just demands of the British Government by a 
transfer of the districts named, in the manner which has been 
specified above. 

20. It is not probable that the Nizam will contemplate any 
resistance to a demand so just in itself, and which his own con- 
duct has rendered inevitable. If, however, his Highness should 
not comply with the requirements of the Government within the 
time which may be specified by the Eesident, that officer will 
request a final audience for the purpose of receiving a definite 
reply. If his Highness should either refuse compliance on that 
occasion, or should fail to complete the arrangements which are 

z 3 

own provinces in their vicinity. 

Affairs of 
the Nizam. 



Appendix requisite, the Resident will be so good as to report the result to 

v ^ — ' the Governor-General. 

the^Nizam ^ n rece i vm & sucn an intimation (which, however, I am un- 
willing to anticipate), instructions will be forthwith addressed to 
the Resident, directing him to take possession of the districts 
named on behalf of the Government of India, and for the pur- 
pose set forth. 

In expectation of such instructions, the Resident will state 
whether he will require any troops in addition to the subsidiary 
and contingent forces for the purpose of enforcing the determina- 
tion that has been announced. 

21. The probability is, that his Highness will yield at once 
to the necessity which he cannot fail to recognise, and will 
comply in all respects with the demand which the Resident will 

Whatever may be the ultimate destination of these districts, 
whether the Nizam shall hereafter be called upon to set them 
apart for the special maintenance of the contingent or not, it 
must be borne in mind that the present occupation of them is 
for a temporary purpose only. The Resident will, therefore, 
introduce as little change as possible when transferring them to 
the authority of the British Government. 

22. A certain amount of European superintendence over the 
transferred districts appears to be indispensable; but I am of 
opinion that for the present it should be general, and should not 
extend to any close interference with the details of administration. 

Three superintendents at the utmost will suffice at present. 
The experience and past services of Captain Meadows Taylor at 
once point him out as the proper person for undertaking the 
direction of those districts which lie towards Shorapore, if his 
present occupation will admit of his entering on this additional 

The interests of the British Government will be greatly pro- 
moted by entrusting another portion of the management to Mr. 
H. Dighton, who has long been a resident in Hyderabad. On a 
former occasion the Honourable Court objected to the employ- 
ment of Mr. Dighton in the territory of Hyderabad, but upon 



considerations which are not applicable to the present proposal. Appendix 

Mr. Dighton at that time had received charge of certain districts y r j > 

on behalf of his Highness the Nizam. The Court very justly Affairs of 
objected to any European being employed in the service of a the Nuam- 
foreign prince in such a manner as to place him beyond their 

My proposal now is to employ Mr. Dighton in the temporary 
service of the Honourable Company itself. The former objec- 
tion of the Court, therefore, no longer applies, and the high 
testimony borne by the Resident at Hyderabad to the character 
and capacity of Mr. Dighton satisfy me that my selection of 
him for the present duties will have the approval of the Honour- 
able Court. 

If a third superintendent should be required, I request the 
Resident to suggest an officer of tried ability and local experi- 
ence in which he can confide as qualified to discharge the large 
functions which must be entrusted to him with fidelity and dis- 

23. If the Nizam should accede to the demand of the Govern- 
ment without demur, the superintendents may be appointed at 

Possession of these districts should not be taken for a broken 
period, but should commence after the termination of an agri- 
cultural year, and the consequent payment of the annual revenue, 
which it is presumed will have occurred about this period. This 
will relieve us from the demand and adjustment of fractional 
sums, and obviate much future confusion in accounts. 

24. The first act of the superintendents, and one which should 
be preliminary to the introduction of changes of any kind, should 
be to prepare a general report, each of his own district, showing 
the actual state of the revenue, and the condition of the several 
branches of administration within its bounds, and drawing atten- 
tion to any matters which call for the special and immediate 
attention of this Government. This, of course, requires no sur- 
veying parties, or deputations of native subordinates, but can be 
ascertained by mere inspection of records and personal inquiries 
directed by the superintendents to these particular points. 

z 4 




Affairs of 
the Nizam. 

25. These instructions are sufficient for the present to meet 
every contingency which is likely to arise in the execution of 
the particular measure which the Kesident has been directed to 
announce. I should not have thought it necessary to enter here 
upon the general relations of the Government of India with his 
Highness the Nizam, but that the Eesident at Hyderabad has 
thought proper on many recent occasions to urge upon the con- 
sideration of this Government his views of the expediency of 
further and direct interference on our part in the administration 
of the affairs of his Highness's kingdom. The suggestion of the 
Kesident is contained in the following passages.* 

26. I desire to record my entire dissent from, and disapproval 

* Extract from Letter of Resident, 
dated 4th February 1851, No. 35. 

28. I would now beg permission 
to proceed somewhat beyond the 
limits of the view of policy taken in 
your letter, and to submit to the 
Government of India whether the 
present circumstances of this State 
would not justify our making a pro- 
position to the Nizam of a more 
comprehensive nature than that at 
present contemplated by Govern- 
ment, which provides for our own 
interests only, not for those of the 
country at large, either as regards its 
sovereign or its inhabitants. 

29. I mean, a proposition for the 
cession of the whole of the Nizam's 
country to our sole and exclusive 
management and authority for a 
definite number of years, with the 
allotment of such portion of its re- 
venue as might be considered suit- 
able for the honourable support of 
his Highness and his family, and a 
guarantee for the maintenance of 
the nobles and inhabitants of the 
country generally in all their just 
rights and privileges. 

30. It should be, however, an in- 

dispensable part of the arrangement 
without which its great advantages 
might again be ultimately lost, that 
on the lapse of that period and the 
restoration of the country to the 
management of his Highness, such 
political relations should be esta- 
blished between the British Govern- 
ment and that of the Nizam as 
should admit of a sufficiently decided 
interference on our part, when ne- 
cessary, to prevent the possibility of 
the country ever reverting to its 
present state of ruin and degrada- 

31. I speak of thia as a proposi- 
tion only, and by no means an im- 
perative demand from which his 
Highness would not be permitted to 
dissent; for this latter would be 
unjustifiable, under any considera- 
tion of international law, in as far 
as it is not called for by any suffi- 
ciently sensible injury which has yet 
accrued to the neighbouring British 
territory, nor any such detriment to 
the general interests of the Indian 
empire, as we might render the 
ground and motive of an absolute 



of, the policy which the Resident has suggested for the adoption Appendix 
of the Government of India. , . ^ , 

27. For more than half a century relations of amity and inti- Affairs of 
mate connection have existed between the British Government theNlzam - 
and the Nizam, and they have been strengthened on both sides 

by the stipulations of formal treaties. 

The several obligations which those treaties imposed, have 
been faithfully observed by the contracting parties on either 
side. Among them all, no article was more distinctly or empha- 
tically worded than that wherein the Honourable Company's 
Grovernment distinctly declared " that they have no manner of 
concern with any of his Highness's children, relations, subjects, 
or servants, with respect to whom his Highness is absolute." 

28. In former times, while the power of the -several Mahratta Treaty 
states was still formidable, and their intrigues were dangerous, ^°' 15 
the policy of the Grovernment of India tended to the establish- 
ment of an authoritative influence in the councils of the Nizam, 
which was necessarily exercised to prevent the introduction of a 
similar influence on behalf of other states prejudicial to British 
interests, and calculated to impair our alliance with the State of 

29. At a later period the administration of internal affairs 
was partially committed to the hands of British functionaries ; 
but this arrangement was made with the sanction of the native 
government, and was at once abandoned when a successor inti- 
mated his desire that the interposition of our officers should 

30. Even of late years the influence of the Government of 
India was still so sensibly present, that the nomination of a 
minister of state was regarded by his Highness himself as incom- 
plete till it had received the approving consent of the Governor- 
General in council. 

31. But in these days there exists no native state whose power 
or whose influence renders it necessary, for the security of our 
external relations, or for the maintenance of our alliance with 
the Nizam, that we should seek for the establishment of any 
direct authority in the government of his kingdom. 



Appendix The first act of the present reigning sovereign on ascending 
B< the musnud was to require the withdrawal of every trace of that 
Affairs of interference in the internal affairs of his kingdom which, during 
the Nizam. re ign of his father, and under the administration of Eaja 
Chundoo Lall, we had been accustomed to exercise. The whole 
course of his Highness's policy, and his conduct up to the pre- 
sent moment, indicate, in a manner not to be mistaken, that 
his antipathy to any interposition on our part is as fixed and 
rooted now as when he first began to reign ; and that any over- 
tures for our admission to partial authority in the administra- 
tion of his kingdom would be certainly and utterly ineffectual. 

Lastly : the course of events during the several administra- 
tions that have succeeded the rule of Chundoo Lall have shown 
how fruitless have been our endeavours to exercise a beneficial 
influence in the management of his Highness's affairs through 
the medium of a minister recommended by our approbation ; and 
have demonstrated that a minister not selected by the sovereign's 
favour, though he may be supported by all our authority, is 
rendered powerless for good by the passive obstruction which it 
is and ever will be in his Highness's power to place in the way 
of his servants' exertions. 

32. Taught by this experience, and influenced by the con- 
siderations to which it gives rise, the Supreme Government has 
for some years past abstained from all interference which has 
not been necessary for the protection of its own interests. The 
Nizam has been left free to choose the ministers whom he has 
desired to select, not only unopposed by our negative, but unin- 
fluenced by any authoritative expression of our will. The inter- 
ference which has been again and again suggested for the 
forcible expulsion of Arab and other mercenaries, whom hi 
Highness still desires to retain, has been prohibited, and th 
interposition of the Government of India in the internal affairs 
of the Nizam has on no occasion been brought into action, 
except on the application of his Highness himself. 

33. There are no facts on record before me, nor have any 
arguments been advanced, which are sufficient to induce me to 
depart from a policy which I regard as prudent and just. 



34. It is sometimes stated that our relations with the State Appendix 
of Hyderabad are so anomalous, that interference on our part is ^- 

as unavoidable as it is expedient. I can by no means assent Affairs of 
to the soundness of that view. the Nizam - 

Were it not for the existence of the subsidiary and contingent 
forces, our relations with the State of Hyderabad would be 
merely those which usually are formed between two independent 
powers, and the position of the Kesident at Hyderabad would 
correspond in all respects with that of any accredited minister 
of a foreign state. 

The subsidiary force is maintained within the territory of 
Hyderabad by the Government of India, and the contingent is 
furnished by his Highness the Nizam, for the purposes declared 
by treaty, and long since denned by precedent and in practice. 
But the presence of these forces does not create any special 
peculiarity in our relations with Hyderabad beyond those which 
characterise our relations with many other native states. It does 
not produce any unusual complication in our official intercourse. 
It does not necessarily multiply the occasions of interference, or 
render doubtful the proper limits of our authority, which have 
long since been practically defined. In short, our relations with 
his Highness the Nizam do not differ in any essential particular 
from those which have been formed with other native powers, 
such as Scindia and the Raja of Berar ; nor do they create 
any necessity for more frequent interference, or imply a wider 
authority than is given by other corresponding treaties. 

35. Again, it is often maintained that such is the misgovern- 
ment of his Highness the Nizam, that so great are the violence 
and lawless confusion which pervade every part of his dominions, 
that it has become the moral duty of the British Government, 
as the paramount power in India, to assume to itself the govern- 
ment of his Highness's dominions, in order to correct the evils 
of his rule, and to rescue his subjects from the sufferings which 
are alleged to proceed therefrom. 

I desire to repudiate all adhesion to a doctrine which leads, in 
my humble judgment, to a system of unwarranted and officious 



Appendix In too many instances, I fear, it proceeds not from sentiments 
. _ B ' _ , of enlarged benevolence, but from the promptings of ambi- 
Affairs of tious greed. Even where the motive from which it springs is 
pure and sincere, the doctrine is, in my view, not the less 
unsound. The acknowledged supremacy of the British power 
in India gives to it the right, and imposes upon it the duty, of 
maintaining by its influence, and (if need be) compelling by its 
strength, the continuance of general peace. It entitles it to 
interfere in the administration of native princes, if their admi- 
nistration tends unquestionably to the injury of the subjects or 
of the allies of the British Government. 

But I recognise no mission confided to the British Govern- 
ment which imposes upon it the obligation, or can confer upon 
it the right, of deciding authoritatively on the existence of native 
independent sovereignties, and of arbitrarily setting them aside, 
whenever their administration may not accord with its own views, 
and although their acts in no way affect the interests or security 
of itself or its allies. 

Still less can I recognise any such property in the acknow- 
ledged supremacy of the British Government in India, as can 
justify its rulers in disregarding the positive obligations of 
international contracts, in order to obtrude on native princes 
and their people a system of subversive interference, which is 
unwelcome alike to people and prince. 

36. In the case of the Nizam, the British Government is 
bound by the solemn obligations of a treaty to abstain from all 
interference in his Highness's internal affairs. The Sovereign 
has been and still is strongly and consistently adverse to any the 
slightest evasion on our part of these obligations. His people 
have shown no desire for our good offices, nor have ever fur- 
nished us with the slightest pretext for interposition. And, 
whatever may be the tenor of his Highness's administration, it 
cannot be said as yet to have materially affected the security of 
any portion of British territory, or to have damaged the interests 
of British subjects. 

37. I find, then, no sufficient reason for abandoning the 
course of policy that has heretofore been pursued, or for seeking 



the powers of government from his hands. » r . 

It cannot, I think, be doubted that his Highness's consent to ^ ffa ^ r . s of 
such a measure would never be voluntarily given, and that, if 
obtained at all, it would be extorted only by the open exercise 
of a power which he feels he could not resist, or by the fear that 
we should proceed to some such extreme. 

I deprecate, therefore, the introduction to the Nizam of a 
proposal which his Highness of himself is certain to reject, and 
which, if it be accepted, will be adopted only under the pressure 
of an influence on our part which would be reasonably open to 
misconstruction, and which would probably tend to discredit our 

38. Were it otherwise, I should still entertain the strongest 
objection to the particular measure which the Eesident has in 
contemplation. It points to the formation ultimately of such 
relations between the two states as would in effect establish a 
mixed government in Hyderabad, a form of administration 
which experience has abundantly demonstrated to be objection- 
able in principle and unmanageable in detail. 

Under such a form of government, if provision be made for 
carrying it actively and practically into operation, all the toil of 
a laborious task and all its real responsibility must ever fall on 
the British agent, by whom the native ministry is controlled. 
The agent, on his part, while he reaps no advantage from his 
labours for his own state, must feel himself to be without that 
undivided authority; he cannot rely on that cordial co-opera- 
tion which alone could enable him in such a position to carry 
into effect the measures which he judges necessary for the 
accomplishment of the objects he has in view, and for the full 
benefit of the people with whose interests he has been charged. 

39. With such experience before ns, I conceive that I shall 
best do my duty by adhering in all respects to those principles 
of policy which have hitherto guided me in relation to his 
Highness the Nizam, and which I believe to be in entire accord- 
ance with the wishes of the Honourable Court of Directors. 

40. Whether it would not be for the mutual advantage of 


Appendix the Government of India and of the subjects of the Nizam that 

, ^ , his territories should be transferred to other hands ; whether 

Affairs of that event might not even now, if it were desired, by some means 
the Nizam. ^ e bought to pass ; whether at some time the State of Hydera- 
bad will not become a portion of the British Empire in India, 
are questions which I refuse to entertain. 

41. I refuse to entertain them, because we acknowledge the 
Nizam as an independent prince. We have bound ourselves by 
treaty to shield him from every enemy, and we have guaranteed 
to him the exercise over his own subjects of his own sole and 
absolute authority. The British Government, therefore, cannot 
honestly entertain, and has never entertained, any intention of 
open aggression on the independence of this prince. It nourishes 
no secret and insidious design of standing aloof while his sove- 
reignty is fast crumbling under the weight of his own incapacity 
and folly. The Resident at his Highness's court continues, and 
will continue, to persevere in the endeavours he has made in 
past times to support his Highness's power, and to promote the 
good of his people. He will be instructed to give, on every fit 
occasion, the services of the contingent troops, or, if need be, 
those of the subsidiary force also, for the maintenance of the 
sovereign's just authority. In so doing, he will exercise the 
power with which he is vested, of judging in each case of the 
fitness of the purpose for which the troops are required, and of 
demanding subsequently the adoption of such measures as are 
the proper consequence of his interposition. 

He will address the Nizam, as heretofore, on every occurrence 
which may seem to call for an expression of its sentiments by 
the Government which he represents, and which is entitled 
by its position of supremacy and by long-standing alliance to 
address his Highness in the language of remonstrance and 

He will warn him on every fitting occasion of the evils which 
his administration may involve ; he will point out the remedy 
for the abuses he may have denounced ; and he will tender freely 
to his Highness all the aid which the Government of India can 
supply, whether by his counsel or by force of arms, for meeting 



the opposition which may be raised to the application of the Appendix 
remedies he may have suggested. 

42. But so long as the alleged evils of his Highness's Govern- Affairs of 
ment are confined within its own limits, and affect only his own 
subjects, the Government of India must observe religiously the 
obligations of its own good faith. It has no just right to enter 

upon a system of direct interference in the internal affairs of 
his Highness's kingdom, which is explicitly forbidden by the 
positive stipulations of treaty, which would be utterly repugnant 
to the wishes of the sovereign our ally, and is unsought by the 
people over whom he rules. 

43. If, indeed, the effect of his Highness's misgovern- 
ment should be felt beyond his own bounds ; if the safety 
of our territory should be placed in doubt, or the interests 
of our subjects in jeopardy, I shall be prompt to demand, and to 
enforce reparation for the aggrieved, as well as the infliction 
of signal punishment on the aggressors. 

If, unhappily, the Nizam should allow fresh claims to accumu- 
late against his State, I shall not permit those claims to be 
evaded, but shall demand that they be promptly satisfied, 
observing, at the same time, all due forbearance towards a feeble 

If recent insults to British subjects and soldiers within his 
Highness's territory should occur with increasing frequency, I 
shall not be satisfied, as on some past occasions, with the punish- 
ment of individual offenders ; I shall probably feel myself called 
upon in such case to require the adoption of such stronger 
measures as shall effectually put a stop to outrages which, unless 
they are repressed, cannot fail to lower the estimation* in which 
our power is held by native states, and in some degree to tarnish 
the honour of our name. 

44. It may be that every effort we can make will be insuffi- 
cient to avert the crash which the recklessness and apathy and 
obstinacy of the Nizam are all tending to produce ; it may be 
that the Government of India may, after all, be compelled to 
resort to that direct interference in his Highness's affairs which 
it still most earnestly desires to avoid. 



Appendix If ever that time should come, the officer who may then be 

v_ , entrusted with the charge of this Indian empire, will doubtless 

Affairs of \y e prepared to act as the circumstances of the times and as 
his duty to his country may seem to him to require. But he 
will then be enabled to act with confidence, strengthened by the 
consciousness that the Government of India has long laboured 
to the utmost, though in vain, to avert from the Nizam the fate 
which will then have overtaken him, protecting him by its 
power, sustaining him by its influence, and striving to rouse him 
to timely action by warning, remonstrance, and rebuke. 

45. Such is the course of policy which the Grovernment of 
India in recent times has pursued in relation to his Highness 
the Nizam ; such is the policy to which I steadfastly purpose to 

As the records of the State will show that a different view has 
been urged with earnestness and frequency on the consideration 
of the Grovernor-Greneral, I have thought it necessary to set 
forth in full the system I have followed, and the reflections 
which lead me still to abide by it. 

I have every confidence that the public principles by which I 
have shaped my course will meet with the approval of your 
Honourable Court. 

I trust they will think that the mode in which our policy has 
been carried into effect is calculated to show that in all its dealings 
with the State of Hyderabad, the Grovernment of the East India 
Company has been actuated by no interested motives, has been 
seduced by no lust of dominion, but that it has had for its single 
aim to preserve the independence of an old and staunch ally, 
and to act from first to last in strict observance of national faith. 

(Signed) Dalhousie. 

27th May, 1851. 

To his Highness the Nizam of Hyderabad. 

After compliments. 
Several months have now elapsed since I learned with deep 
regret from the Kesident at Hyderabad, that, in reply to the de- 



mand for the repayment of the large advances which have from Appendix 
time to time been made for the service of the Government of B " . 
Hyderabad, your Highness had intimated to him that you were Affairs of 
not prepared to meet that demand ; while the Resident added, the Nlzam - 
that your Highness had made no effort either to repay the debt 
or to diminish its amount. 

Your Highness had previously received abundant and em- 
phatic warning that, if, at the expiry of the period fixed, a 
settlement were not effected of the claims which had arisen on 
the part of the British Grovernment against your Highness's 
treasury, I should feel it to be my u duty to take such decided 
steps as the interests of the British Grovernment may demand." 

The time has come when the resolution I declared must be 
carried into effect. 

I have purposely abstained for some time from communicating 
to your Highness the final determination I have formed, in the 
hope that reflection on the demand which has been formally 
made to you by the Resident, and on the consequences to which 
your disregard of that demand must necessarily lead, would 
induce your Highness to take such steps as would relieve me 
from the necessity of resorting to measures which could not be 
otherwise than painful to your Highness. 

' My hope has been vain. The silence which your Highness 
has observed ; the apparent indifference, which has not only 
made no effort for the liquidation of your debt, but which 
still allows it month by month to increase, have left me no 
alternative : they compel me, in pursuance of my declared reso- 
lutions, to address to your Highness such further demands as 
have become indispensable for securing the interests of the 
Honourable East India Company, which are now so largely 

Your Highness having intimated your inability to meet in the 
usual manner the call which has been made on your treasury, it 
is my duty to require that your Highness shall forthwith make 
over to the Resident, on behalf of the British Grovernment, 
those frontier districts of your Highness's territory which are 
enumerated in the annexed schedule, in order that the revenues 

VOL. I. 



Appendix arising from them may be applied to the satisfaction of such 
> _ B ' - claims as have been or may be established against your State on 
Affairs of the part of the Government of India. 

The course your Highness has long pursued obliges me to 
apprise your Highness, respectfully but firmly, that the demand 
I have now the honour to make is peremptory, and that it will 
neither be withdrawn nor postponed. 

It will be necessary that your Highness should in due form 
convey to the Eesident the districts named, and should vest him 
with full authority for their administration and control. 

Your Highness may be assured that the security and happi- 
ness of your subjects within the districts to be transferred will 
be as justly and tenderly cared for as though they were our own 

Clear and full accounts will be annually prepared, and will 
be transmitted for your Highness's information, showing the 
revenue received from the districts above mentioned, and the 
mode in which they have been applied to the purposes for which 
they are set apart. 

In thus announcing to your Highness the determination 
which the past proceedings of your government have at last 
compelled me to declare, it is my imperative duty to draw your 
Highness's attention to the effect which this determination may 
produce on the future fate of your kingdom. 

The debt already incurred consists chiefly of advances made 
for the payment of the contingent force. The efficient mainte- 
nance of that force is a duty imposed on the Government of 
Hyderabad by the stipulations of existing treaties. Your High- 
ness is well aware that the efficient maintenance of the force is 
not on]y necessary to fulfil the obligations of the treaty, but 
that it is essential for upholding your Highness's authority 
within your own dominions, and is the main support on which ^ 
depends the stability of your throne. 

The troops of the contingent serving under the control of the 
British Government have a right to look to that Government 
for protection from the grievances by which the other troops in \ 
your Highness's service are so frequently oppressed, and to rely 



upon it for securing the full and regular payment of the Appendix 
monthly stipend allotted for their service. . Bl . 

I request your Highness distinctly to understand that the Affairs of 
large advances which have heretofore been furnished, in order the Nmun * 
to make good deficiency in the payments for the force which 
are due from your Highness's treasury, will no longer be con- 
tinued. If such deficiencies should again occur, I shall feel it 
my duty to provide for the regular payment of the force in 
future, by a measure similar to that to which I have now been 
compelled to resort for ensuring the early liquidation of your 
accumulated debt. 

The intimation I have made will convince your Highness that 
the reduction of public expenditure which has so often been 
urged on your attention can no longer with safety be delayed. 

It will be obvious to your Highness, that if, in full possession 
of the whole revenue of your kingdom, you have been unable 
to supply the funds for paying the contingent troops, it will be- 
come absolutely impossible for your Highness to meet that 
demand when the revenues of the districts to be transferred 
shall pass from your hands, unless immediate and vigorous 
measures are taken for the reduction of expenditure in some 
other quarter. 

Many different modes of so doing, by reversing the various 
establishments of the State, will doubtless be suggested to you. 
But there is one source of vast and superfluous expenditure 
which must at once present itself for your Highness's considera- 
tion — I mean the numerous and utterly useless military levies 
by which your revenue is unprofitably absorbed. 

The power of the British Government is drawn round your 
kingdom, a rampart to defend you from every foreign foe. The 
subsidiary force, the contingent troops, are present within your 
territories, ready to sustain you at all times in the just exercise 
of your sovereign authority, and capable of repelling every 
attempt at rebellious resistance. 

For what purpose, then, does your Highness think it neces- 
sary to maintain around you a horde of soldiery who are 
requisite neither for the defence of your frontier, nor for the 



Appendix support of internal order ? Above all, upon what grounds can 
. _ B ' _ , your Highness justify to yourself and to your subjects, in the 
Affairs of circumstances in which you are placed, the needless retention 
the Nizam. Q £ k an( j s f f or eign mercenaries, eating up your revenues, cruelly 
oppressing your people, to whom you are bound in your duty 
to give protection, and bearing themselves with insolent violence 
not only towards your Highness, whom they nominally serve, 
but towards that great Government by whose friendship alone 
you have long been sustained, and whose resentment it is 
dangerous to provoke ? 

The daily tidings from the State of Hyderabad proclaim to 
all India that the Arab soldiery in your Highness's pay, what- 
ever they may have been, are no longer your Highness's 
servants, but your masters. On more than one occasion of late 
their licence has risen to a pitch of arrogance which has em- 
boldened them even to offer open insult to British troops 
marching within your Highness's territory. Heretofore I have 
dealt with such offences with considerate forbearance, but I 
take this occasion of intimating to your Highness that forbear- 
ance has reached its limits. It behoves your Highness deeply to 
consider the risks to which you will yourself be exposed if you 
persist in leaving in this present condition a body of troops 
whom your authority appears unable to control, and who by 
their acts are tending to bring down upon you the indignation 
of the Grovernment of India, whose dignity these men have 
already presumed to outrage, and whose power can crush you 
at its will. 

Your Highness has at command a ready mode of averting 
the risks to which I have pointed, and of effecting at the same 
time that large reduction in public charges which your present 
position requires, by dismissing from your service these turbu- 
lent strangers with whom time and custom have encumbered 
you, having first satisfied every fair claim they can advance 
against your State. 

I commend this important question to your Highness's early 
consideration. The Resident at your court will be prepared to 
offer to your Highness, on behalf of the British Government, 



your ally, all the assistance which counsel can afford, and will Appendix 
aid the fulfilment of your Highness's just intentions by such — ^ — - 

Whatever may be the actual course which your Highness may 
resolve to pursue in the grave emergency in which you are 
placed, it is imperatively necessary that your Highness should 
at once put an end to the unusual and mischievous state of 
uncertainty which has for many months enfeebled your ad- 
ministration and perplexed your relations with the Government 
of India, by appointing a minister for conducting the affairs of 
your Highness's kingdom, in subordination to your royal com- 
mands. Nearly three years have passed since your Highness 
was informed that the British Government desired to exercise 
no interference in the selection your Highness might wish to 
make of the person whom you might consider qualified to hold 
the office of Dewan. 

In the interval, your Highness has made repeated changes in 
the person of your Minister ; but for many months past, dis- 
regarding the advice and remonstrances which I caused to be 
addressed to you, your Highness has appointed no minister 
whatever for the execution of your commands, so that the 
Government of Hyderabad has been virtually in abeyance. 

The measures which by this letter I have informed your 
Highness it has become my duty to enforce, render the imme- 
diate nomination of a minister indispensable for carrying into 
effect the resolutions of the Government of India, and for 
maturing and executing the several arrangements which it will 
be incumbent on your Highness to frame. 

It well becomes your Highness, as the Sovereign of Hydera- 
bad, to retain the supreme direction of affairs in the kingdom 
which destiny has committed to your hands ; but the agency of 
a minister is not less indispensable than the supremacy of the 

I have, therefore, the honour to intimate to your Highness 
my expectation that your Highness will forthwith terminate a 
state of affairs which is incompatible with the due maintenance 
of that full official intercourse by which alone your relations 

support as may be required. 

Affairs of 
the Nizam. 



Appendix with this Government can be properly sustained. I have the 

v ^_ ' honour to intimate my expectation that your Highness, without 

Affairs of any further delay, will appoint as your minister for conducting 
the Nizam. ^ e details of your government some person whose position in 
society, whose personal character, and whose acquaintance with 
public business, will constitute him a fit agent for transacting 
the important affairs which are now depending between the 
Government of India and the Court of Hyderabad. 

I cannot doubt that the terms of the communication which I 
have now addressed to your Highness must give you pain and 
cause you anxiety. 

I deeply regret that the course which your Highness has for 
some time past thought proper to pursue has left me no choice 
but to use the plain and peremptory language in which my 
letter is couched. 

Eepresenting that Government which has long been your 
-Highness's steady friend, I have felt it to be my duty, as it is 
my right, to set before your Highness respectfully, but plainly 
and without disguise, the position to which your Highness has 
reduced yourself. I have dwelt upon the exertions which it is 
absolutely necessary for your Highness to make at once, if you 
would save yourself from further humiliation, if you would avert 
the imminent danger to which the independence of your sove- 
reignty will be exposed, unless a timely and vigorous effort shall 
now be made. 

But a short time has passed since I anxiously warned your 
Highness, that if effectual means were not then taken for re- 
medying the condition of your Highness's affairs, before long 
your treasury will be bankrupt, and your whole kingdom in dis- 
order and confusion. 

Your Highness, looking around you, cannot fail to see how 
much of this warning has already been fulfilled. 

Wherefore, once again, on behalf of the Honourable East 
India Company, your old and constant ally, I respectfully urge 
your Highness to lay to heart the things which in all truth and 
earnestness I have now impressed upon your thoughts. I call 
upon you to shake off the apathy by which you are oppressed, 



to recognise the real dangers which surround you, and to rouse Appendix 

yourself to such vigorous and prompt exertions as alone can be . ^ , 

effectual to avert the further dangers of which you have been Affairs of 
forewarned, and still to preserve the State over which you rule the Nlzam * 
in independence and in wealth among the native powers of India. 

(Signed) Dalhousie. 

No. 1783. 

From the Secretary to the Government of India with the 
Governor-General to the Resident at Hyderabad. 

Sir, — I have the honour to acquaint you, that your despatch 
of 4th February last, No. 35, in which you report that the Nizam 
was not prepared to meet the demands of this Government, and 
further submit your own views of the policy which you deem it 
expedient that the Government of India should pursue, was duly 

2. The Governor- General has purposely delayed making any 
communication to his Highness the Nizam until the present 

3. I am now directed to transmit to you a letter addressed to 
his Highness by the Governor-General, in which his Lordship 
has intimated to him the determination he has made it his duty 
to form, and has called upon him to make over to you for the 
British Government those portions of his territory which will be 
specified to him, together with all authority which is necessary 
for their management. His Lordship concurs with you in con- 
sidering that the districts named in your seventh paragraph are 
the most eligible, consisting of Berar Payeen Ghaut, the border 
districts, from thence down to Shorapore and the Doab, between 
the Krishna and Toombuddra. 

4. Having carefully prepared the schedules specifying the 
particular districts, or parts of them, to be transferred, you will 
request an audience of his Highness, and will deliver to him his 
Lordship's letter, together with the schedules. 

A A 4 



Appendix 5. You will use your discretion in not urging his Highness to 
v_ — ^ — ' compliance with the requirements of the Government with undue 
Affairs of haste. But you will meet any remonstrances or solicitations 
which his Highness may make for further prolonged delay, or 
for another reference, by the declaration that, after having 
afforded in vain full time and opportunity for his Highness to 
act, the Grovernor-Greneral's determination has now been taken 
deliberately, and is fixed irrevocably. You will require his 
Highness to comply with the just demands of the British Gro- 
vernment by a transfer of the districts named in the manner 
which has been specified above. 

6. It is not probable that the Nizam will contemplate any 
resistance to a demand so just in itself, and which his own con- 
duct has rendered inevitable. If, however, his Highness should 
not comply with the requirements of the Grovernment within the 
time which may be specified by you, you will request a final au- 
dience, for the purpose of receiving a definite reply. If his 
Highness should either refuse compliance on that occasion, or 
should fail to complete the arrangements which are requisite, 
you will be so good] as to report the result to the Grovernor- 

7. On receiving such an intimation (which, however, his Lord- 
ship is unwilling to anticipate), instructions will be forthwith 
addressed to you, directing you to take possession of the districts 
named on behalf of the Grovernment of India, and for the pur- 
pose set forth. 

8. In expectation of such instructions, you will state whether 
you will require any troops in addition to the subsidiary and 
contingent forces, for the purpose of enforcing the determination 
that has been announced. The probability is, that his Highness 
will yield at once to the necessity which he cannot fail to re- 
cognise, and will comply in all respects with the demand which 
you will convey. 

9. Whatever may be the ultimate destination of these districts, 
whether the Nizam shall hereafter be called upon to set them 
apart for the special maintenance of the contingent or not, it 
must be borne in mind, that the present occupation of them is 



for a temporary purpose only. You will therefore introduce as Appendix 

little change as possible when transferring them to the authority * ^1 , 

of the British Government. Affairs of 

10. A certain amount of European superintendence over the tlie Nlzam ' 
transferred districts appears to be indispensable ; but his Lord- 
ship is of opinion that for the present it should be general, and 
should not extend to any close interference with the details of 

11. Three superintendents at the utmost will at present suffice. 
The experience and past services of Captain Meadows Taylor at 
■once point him out as the proper person for undertaking the 
direction of those districts which lie towards Shorapore, if his 
present occupation will admit of his entering on this additional 

12. The interests of the British Government will be greatly 
promoted by entrusting another portion to the management of 
Mr. H. Dighton, who has long been a resident in Hyderabad. 
On a former occasion the Honourable Court objected to the em- 
ployment of Mr. Dighton in the territory of Hyderabad, but 
upon considerations which are not applicable to the present pro- 
posal. Mr. Dighton at that time had received charge of certain 
districts on behalf of his Highness the Nizam. The Honourable 
Court very justly objected to any European being employed on 
the service of a foreign prince in such a manner as to place him 
beyond their control. 

13. The Grovernor-GreneraPs proposal now is to employ Mr. 
Dighton in the temporary service of the Honourable Company 
itself. The former objection of the Honourable Court therefore 
no longer applies ; and the high testimony borne by you to the 
character and the capacity of Mr. Dighton satisfy his Lordship 
that his selection of him for the present duties will have the 
approval of the Honourable Court. 

14. If a third superintendent should be required, the Grover- 
nor-G-eneral requests you to suggest an officer of tried ability 
and local experience in whom you can confide as qualified to 
discharge the large functions which must be entrusted to him 
with fidelity and discretion. 



15. If the Nizam should accede to the demand of the Govern- 
ment without demur, the superintendents may be appointed at 

Affairs of once, 
the Nizam. 

16. Possession of these districts should not be taken for a 
broken period, but should commence after the termination of an 
agricultural year, and the consequent payment of the annual 
revenue, which it is presumed will have occurred about this 
period. This will relieve us from the demand and adj ustment 
of fractional sums, and obviate much future confusion in ac- 

17. The first act of the superintendents, and one which 
should be preliminary to the introduction of changes of any 
kind, should be to prepare a general report, each of his own 
district, showing the actual state of the revenue, and the condi- 
tion of the several branches of administration within its bounds, 
and drawing attention to any matters which call for the special 
and immediate attention of this Grovernment. This, of course, 
requires no surveying parties or deputations of native subordi- 
nates, but can be ascertained by mere inspection of records, and 
personal inquiries, directed by the superintendents to these par- 
ticular points. 

18. The Governor- General has given all due consideration to 
your suggestions respecting the policy which, in your judgment, 
it is expedient to adopt in reference to the kingdom of Hydera- 
bad. His Lordship does not approve of the policy you have 
suggested, and does not purpose to adopt it, for reasons which 
have been fully stated to the Honourable Court of Directors, but 
which his Lordship does not think it necessary to enter upon 

1 9. You have already been furnished with instructions for 
your guidance in carrying into effect the resolutions of this 
Grovernment regarding the transfer of territory for the payment 
of his Highness's debt. 

20. If, in compliance with the advice which has been tended 
in the Governor-General's letter to the Nizam, his Highness 
should seek your aid and counsel in framing those effectual 
measures which his present position so urgently demands, you 



will afford to his Highness all the assistance which counsel can Appendix 

supply, and will aid the fulfilment of all his Highness's just in- ^_ ^ - 

tentions by such support as may be necessary. Affairs of 

21. If, however, the Nizam should contemplate any such de- 
cided measure as the dismissal of the foreign mercenaries from 
his service, it will be expedient that you should communicate . 
with the Govern or- General regarding the measure which may be 
proposed for that purpose, and the mode in which it is to be 
accomplished, before taking any direct step for effecting the 

22. With respect to the general course of policy to be ob- 
served in the affairs of Hyderabad for the future, it is not his 
Lordship's intention to depart in any respect from the principles 
of policy by which he has heretofore been guided in relation to 
his Highness the Nizam. 

23. You will continue to persevere in the endeavours you 
have made in past times to maintain the just authority of the 
sovereign, and to mitigate, as far as representation and remon- 
strance may enable you to do, the abuses which occur from time 
to time in the public administration of his Highness's affairs. 

24. You will give on every fitting occasion the services of 
the contingent troops, and, if need be, those of the subsidiary 
force also ; but in so doing, you will continue to exercise the 
power with which you are vested of judging in each case of the 
fitness of the purpose for which the troops are required, and of 
demanding subsequently the adoption of such measures as may 
seem to be the proper consequence of your interposition. 

25. You will address his Highness on every occurrence which 
may seem to call for an expression of its sentiments by the 
Government which you represent, and which is entitled, by its 
position of supremacy and by long-standing alliance, to address 
his Highness in the language of remonstrance and reproof. 

26. You will warn the Nizam, on every fitting occasion, of 
the evils which his Highness's commands may involve ; you will 
point out the remedy for the abuses you may have denounced, 
and you will tender freely to his Highness all the aid which the 
Government of India can furnish, whether by its counsel or by 

Affairs of 
the Nizam. 




force of arms, for meeting the opposition which may be raised 
to the application of the remedies which you may have sug- 

27. Any interference more direct than this in the affairs of 
his Highness the Nizam, it is his Lordship's steadfast purpose to 
avoid, so long as any effort of his can avert it. If at some future 
time a further measure of interference should unfortunately he 
forced upon the Governor- General, you will then be furnished 
with renewed and precise instructions for your guidance in the 
circumstances in which we may be placed. 

28. A copy of the letter addressed to his Highness, with a 
translation thereof, is herewith transmitted for your infor- 

I have, &c, 
(Signed) H. M. Elliot, 
Secretary to the Government of India with 
Simla, 6th June, 1851. the Governor- General. 

No. 178 of 1851. 

From Major-General J. S. Fraser, Resident at Hyderabad, to 
Sir H. M. Elliot, K.C.B., Secretary to the Government of 
India with the Most Noble the Governor-General, Simla. 

Sir, — I have the honour to forward the Nizam's reply to the 
Most Noble the Governor-General's letter to his Highness of the 
6th June last. 

2. It will probably be deemed superfluous that I should 
trouble the Government with any lengthened remarks on this 
communication, and I need scarcely add that the original draft 
was not submitted to me, although Suraj-ool-Moolk stated that 
this should be the case. The omission may, perhaps, be ac- 
counted for by the Nizam's having foreseen that I should not 
approve of his reply. 

3. The most important part of the advice offered to his High- 
ness by the Governor-General, namely, that great reduction 
should be made of unnecessary expenditure, especially by the 



disbandment of useless troops, is but slightly noticed ; and all Appendix 

that can be inferred from what the Nizam has said on.the sub- c_ ^ , 

ject is, that he does not intend to disband any of this class Affairs of 

, n the Nizam. 

at all. 

4. His Highness's determination that the Minister is to take 
no step whatever without his previous assent and approval, 
assures, in my opinion, the ultimate ruin of the State, excepting 
in as far as a hope can be entertained that Suraj-ool-Moolk will 
have it in his power gradually to absolve himself from this re- 
straint, and adopt such measures as he considers necessary for 
the remedy of existing evils, and the better administration of 
this country in future. 

5. What the Nizam now remarks on the subject of the Arabs 
in his service, is quite inconsistent with the promise he made to 
me in the year 1843, that the whole of this tribe should be re- 
moved from his dominions in two years from that date ; and as 
to what he says with respect to the Arabs being amenable in 
future to the law courts of the country, I consider this declara- 
tion to be one that will never be realised. 

6. I addressed a very strong representation on this very sub- 
ject to the Minister, Chundoo Lall, immediately after my arrival 
at Hyderabad, and he assured me that the Arabs should thence- 
forward be rendered amenable to the jurisdiction of the usual 
law courts of the country, not only in matters of pecuniary 
claim, but on all occasions whatever, whether of a civil or 
criminal nature. 

7. This assurance, however, was never fulfilled, nor is it 
likely to be so, as long as a person of the Nizam's feeble charac- 
ter continues to retain in his own hand the administration of 
the country to the extent referred to in his letter to the Grover- 

I have, &c, 
(Signed) J. S. Fraser, Resident. 

Hyderabad Residency, 29th September, 1851. 



Appendix Teanslation alluded to in the foregoing Letter. 



tii^Nizam Translation of Khureeta addressed by his Highness the Nizam 
to the Most Noble the Marquis of Dalhousie, Governor- 
General of India, 26thZeecadah 1267 H. (23rd Sept., 1851). 

After the usual compliments. 

Your letter, filled with kind expressions, so completely fra- 
grant with joy, and indicative of your anxious desire for the 
better arrangement and welfare of this Government, taking into 
consideration existing friendship and its continuance, and desiring 
alone the well-being of the Hyderabad Government, expressive 
in every way of the most kindly interest, and viewing the mutual 
engagements existing between the two Governments, and in the 
mode of true friends, communicated to me what was imperatively 
necessary, and has reached me at the most auspicious and happy 

After an examination of the meaning of the friendly expres- 
sions with which it is filled, and the way of kindness pointed out, 
and the mode of increasing the feeling of affection indicated in 
so friendly a manner, the veil is truly removed from the face. 

From those whose understandings minutely scrutinise affairs, 
this will not be concealed, that governing is altogether derived 
from the Almighty, and also the desire that old friendships 
should be undisturbed ; this is particularly apparent where the 
rights of ancient friendship, and the kindness of former amity, 
and their increase, are desired by those equal in dignity ; let 
this be granted, and it is impossible that those who are sincere 
and constant in mind will be careless about this matter. 

By the favour of God, the exalted friendship and the nature 
of the amity which exists between the Nizam's government and 
that of the English Company, Bahadoor, has been placed on so 
sure a foundation, and been so increased from day to day, that 
no cause of separation remains. Thanks be to God, your good 
deeds, excellent qualities, fine disposition, firm understanding, 
and solid, deep, reflecting judgment, perfections personal and 



acquired, are celebrated and lauded ; and in inquiring into and ex- Appendix 
amining all things, you test everything — the value (ready money) ^ 
of the friendship of the two Governments, as is desirable — Affairs of 
beauteous in its amity — illuminates the assembly of friendship; the Nlzam 
wherefore, then, should it be concealed from the glass in which 
you observe ? Undoubtedly, considering the continued friendship 
of the two powerful Governments which has been so content, and 
will last for ever, the foundations being as strong as the frontier 
wall erected by Alexander the Great ; and it will increase for the 
future still more, and become yet more firm. 

As the affairs of both Governments are controlled by the same 
orders, and as what is the desire of both, and what is concealed 
in the minds of both, is only an anxiety for what is advantageous, 
and for the stability and better administration of each Govern- 
ment, and nothing else is kept in view ; and as it was proper that 
a dewan should be appointed, and as it was intimated to me in 
your communication that this was requisite at the present time, 
and proper, in order to preserve existing amity, I appointed the 
high in station, intellectual, and exalted dependant, and well- 
wisher of my house, Suraj-ool-Moolk Bahadoor, he having pro- 
mised, in accordance with my commands, that neither in great 
nor small matters would he give effect to anything without 
my knowledge and consent. Adopting, therefore, your advice, it 
being in accordance with my wishes, and in concurrence with the 
Eesident, Major-General James Stuart Fraser, Bahadoor, I ap- 
pointed the above-mentioned noblemen, the most trustworthy 
and best acquainted with public affairs among the nobles of my 
durbar, to conduct the duties of Minister. From the able 
management of this nobleman, arrangements for the payment 
of the debt due to the Honourable Company's Government on 
account of the money given for the pay of the contingent, having 
been made, amounting to Rs. 34,20,485. 11. 4., which is more 
than half the debt in question, has by means of hoondees been 
paid to the Resident, and the remainder, at the appointed time, 
shall be forwarded. I have directed the above-mentioned noble- 
man to increase the friendship existing between the two Govern- 
ments, and thereby the dignity of both ; also, that he was to give 




Affairs of 
the Nizam. 

me satisfaction, and not depart in the slightest degree from what 
he knew was my pleasure. 

In regard to what you from friendship addressed me in your 
kind note regarding the reduction of expenditure and the dis- 
banding of the Arab soldiery, it is proper that it should be made 
known to you, that since the commencement of the reign of my 
father up to the present time, the friendship of the British having 
been taken into consideration, a reduction of nearly 30,000 of 
the troops has been made, and only those requisite and in ac- 
cordance with the requirements of the State have been retained. 
The losses and difficulties into which the Government has fallen, 
owing to several causes, I have ordered the Minister to cor- 
rect, as fitting opportunity offers, and by means of appropriate 
measures. As the affairs of the two Governments are conducted 
under the same orders, and as the dignity and honour of the 
Honourable Company's Government is added to by the strength 
and good administration of the Hyderabad Government, and as 
from former kindness it does not desire that there should be any 
disturbances in the Circar's territories, it is not proper that you 
should be kept in ignorance that there are elements of strife and 
contention in the Government, owing to the different classes of 
which it is composed, and that it is necessary to take the greatest 
care in giving effect to the measures of the Government, and in 
selecting the fitting opportunities. Again ; the Arab soldiers are 
old servants of the State, and, having resided a long time in the 
city of Hyderabad, have connected themselves with the people, 
have intermarried with them, and got families; and further, 
great numbers of the inhabitants are their debtors. I have 
therefore issued orders to the above-mentioned nobleman (Suraj- 
ool-Moolk), that the disputes originating in money transactions 
with them after the present settlement must rest with the Adaw- 
lut ; and a written agreement to this effect must be taken from 
them, by which they are bound not to engage in any money- 
lending transactions for the future. Those who have been guilty 
of offences have been brought to trial, and been made amenable 
to such punishment as has been awarded by the Adawlut, in 
order that they may be made an example to others ; and what- 


ever may in future be found necessary stall be carried out. Appendix 
Consider it undoubted that your friend is always desirous of v. E ' _„ 
giving happiness to the people, which is pleasing to God ; and ^ ffa j^ of 
that this is ever my wish and intention, that the soldiers and 
people may all be happy and contented. The prosperity of the 
cities and people who are bestowed on us by the Almighty, from 
this fruit will come peace and happiness. This also is at all 
times in my thoughts, that there should be a good government, 
and affairs should be well arranged ; the fruits of which, being 
excellent, should everywhere be apparent, and a happy result be 
the consequence. Never at any time am I, with reference to 
these matters, either indifferent or careless. The good dis- 
position and excellent qualities of the Eesident, and his great 
ability, and the way he gives me satisfaction, and his good-will 
to this Government, and also his attention to the affairs of the 
two Governments, and his keeping up the good understanding 
between them, are well known. 

(True translation.) 

(Signed) C. Davidson, 

Assistant Eesident. 

No. 146 of 1851. 

From Major-General J. S. Fraser, Resident at Hyderabad, to 
Sir H. M. Elliot, K.C.B., Secretary to the Government of 
India with the Governor-General, Simla. 

Sir, — In continuation of my letter, No. 141, under date the 
28th ultimo, I have the honour to acquaint you, for the infor- 
mation of the Government of India, that Suraj-ool-Moolk, 
Bahadoor, paid me a visit of ceremony on Monday, the 30th 
ultimo, in his capacity of Dewan, to which office he had been 
appointed the day before by his Highness the Nizam. 

2. On the 1st instant I waited on the Nizam, for the purpose 
of delivering to him the Governor-General's letter, accompanied 
by schedules of the districts to be transferred to our temporary 




Appendix 3. After the usual compliments, I delivered the letter in 
B - the Nizam's own hands, when his Highness said that he w 
Affairs of aware of its contents, and put it down at his side, 
the Nizam. ^ ^ observed, that three subjects were discussed in 

the Governor-General's letter: first, the transfer of districts; 

secondly, the removal of Arabs, &c. ; and, thirdly, a reduction in 

the number of Ta'inati troops. 

5. In a subsequent visit which Suraj-ool-Moolk paid me at 
the Eesidency, he informed me that his Highness had intended, 
to advert to a fourth subject, namely, the regular payment of the 
contingent in future, but he inadvertently omitted to do so in 
conversation with me. 

6. The Nizam afterwards proceeded to remark, that it was not 
customary with the Honourable Company to transfer territory 
in payment to its creditors ; to which I merely replied, that the 
Honourable Company did not incur debts of the description now 
under consideration. 

7. The Nizam then said, "I have appointed Suraj-ool-Moolk, 
Bahadoor, Dewan. He will discharge the debt due to the 
Honourable Company, and also pay the contingent." 

8. On the subject of the reduction of the Ta'inati troops, his 
Highness said, that a large amount of pay was due to them, and 
that, after the requisite steps were taken for its liquidation, 
they should be gradually reduced. 

9. Kespecting the Arabs, he said, that they had claims upon 
the Circar and individuals to the amount of nearly fifty lakhs of 
rupees ; and that, after the settlement of these demands, they 
should be gradually removed. 

10. His Highness observed, that a cordial friendship had long 
subsisted between the two Governments ; and that this Govern- 
ment (Circar-ee-Dowlut Madar) had exhibited a degree of defe- 
rence and submission (Tawazir) which the sovereigns of Turkey 
and Persia had never done. 

11. He went on to observe, that English gentlemen came to 
India and returned from thence, but never permanently resided 
here. That this was not the custom in his dominions ; for the 
descendants of those who came 200 years ago were still here: 



and that, excepting pilgrims and merchants, no other persons Appendix 
resorted here. . _ B > , 

12. Upon this, I reminded his Highness that there were 7000 Affairs of 
or 8000 Arabs in his dominions, 2000 or 3000 Eohillas, and the Nizam 
2000 or 3000 Sikhs, at present cantoned near the city of 
Hyderabad, none of whom came under the designations he had 

been pleased to make use of. 

13. His Highness replied, "If these people come here, they 
do so through the Company's country. My dominions are cen- 
trically situated, and surrounded by the territories of your Go- 
vernment. Formerly, in the time of Asoph Jah, they never came 

14. I remarked that it was true they came through the Com- 
pany's territory ; but that if his Highness's government did not 
take them into its service they would have no inducement to 

15. His Highness said that a prohibition to this effect had 
been issued with regard to the Eohillas, and that the Circar 
had none of these men in its service. Upon which I observed 
that, notwithstanding the prohibition on this subject which 
was issued three or four years ago, during the first ministry 
of Suraj-ool-Moolk, there were still Eohillas in the service of 
the Circar, and of the noble of the city. I added that this 
moment two Circar officers in the provinces were engaged in 
hostilities with each other, and that each of them had Eohillas 
in his service. 

16. On this his Highness turned to the Dewan, and de- 
sired him to seize and remove from the country, by means 
of the contingent, the Eohillas alluded to. 

17. His Highness then addressed me in the terms usual on 
these occasions, to request that I would give the Dewan all 
requisite countenance and support in the administration of the 
Government, to which I returned what appeared to me a suitable 

18. Foreseeing no advantage from any further discussion 
at that time, I remarked to his Highness that the important 
subjects adverted to in the Governor-General's letter required 



Appendix to be taken into consideration, and that, with his Highness^ 

y- ^ . permission, I should have the honour of receiving the Minister 

Affairs of nex t day at the Eesidency. 

the Nizam. J 

19. To this his Highness assented. And, as any other con- 
versation on matters of business would evidently have been 
useless, I immediately afterwards accepted the plan which his 
Highness offered to me, and took leave. 

20. Suraj-ool-Moolk waited upon me at the Eesidency the 
next day, Wednesday, 2nd July, and I commenced conversation 
with him by inquiring with what extent of power his Highness 
had vested him for the conduct of public affairs. Suraj-ool- 
Moolk replied, " His Highness has given me full power." 

21. I asked him if he had read and thoroughly understood 
the Grovernor-Greneral's letter. To which he replied, " I under- 
stand it perfectly." I then said, " As you are vested with full 
power, and that you have read and thoroughly understand the 
letter, be so good as to inform me what is his Highness the 
Nizam's reply to it." 

22. To this Suraj-ool-Moolk replied, that the Nizam had 
ordered him to take measures for paying me immediately the 
full amount of the debt, and to give me security for the regular 
payment in future of the contingent ; and he then proceeded to 
detail by what means he proposed to effect the former of these 

23. His plans, however, appeared to me to be liable to con- 
siderable objection, and I therefore acquainted him, that in the 
event of my assenting under any circumstances to postpone my 
demand for the transfer of districts, it was necessary that I 
should have a full and distinct explanation of the means by 
which the Nizam proposed to effect the immediate discharge of 
the debt, and to give security for the future payment of the 

24. He soon after took leave, informing me that he would 
wait upon the Nizam the next morning, and let me know without 
delay the result of his interview with his Highness. 

25. On Friday the 4th instant Suraj-ool-Moolk again visited 
me, and stated that his Highness's instructions to him were to 



the following effect, and had been expressed in these terms: Appendix 
" His government had not liquidated the debt due by it at the _ B " - 
appointed time, and a temporary transfer of districts was there- ^ ffa ^ of 
fore demanded by the British Government. Immediately on 
receipt of the Governor-General's khureeta, a dewan was ap- 
pointed, and that office had been conferred upon Suraj-ool- 
Moolk. Suraj-ool-Moolk would pay into the Kesident's trea- 
sury, agreeably to a statement that would be furnished, the 
amount of debt due to the Honourable Company, which then 
being fully discharged, there would be no necessity for ceding 
districts. By this means payment of the debt would be imme- 
diately realised ; whereas by the transfer of districts, years 
would be required to liquidate it. Independently of this, the 
transferred districts would amount to nearly one-third of his 
Highness's country ; one-third would be required for the regular 
monthly payment of the contingent, &c. ; and only one-third 
remaining, the ruin of the country would ensue ; for not only 
would his subjects be reduced to distress for the means of exist- 
ence, but even his Highness himself would suffer in a similar 
way. The protection of his government, and of his Highness's 
person, had always been graciously afforded by the British Go- 
vernment, and it ought ever to be continued so." 

26. Suraj-ool-Moolk concluded this recapitulation of his 
Highness's instructions by remarking to me that the general 
purport of his Highness's observations to him had been, that as 
the Company's debt would now be immediately and punctually 
paid, there could be no necessity for the proposed transfer of 

27. In order that no misapprehension might occur with 
regard to the exact purport of his Highness's message, I re- 
quested Suraj-ool-Moolk to be so good as to allow it to be taken 
down in writing by an attendant mutsuddy. This was accord- 
ingly done under his own dictation, and a copy of the docu- 
ment is herewith enclosed. 

28. Suraj-ool-Moolk then spoke of the manner in which it 
was proposed that the debt should be liquidated, and again ad- 

B B 3 



Appendix verted to the same subject in a written communication, under 
v ^' date the 5th instant. 

Affairs of 29. But both his verbal and written communications on this 
subject appeared to me to be based on a defective principle, and 
his proposed measures to be such as would involve much con- 
fusion and great embarrassment of accounts. 

30. I therefore addressed a note to him on the evening of 
the 6th instant, of which a copy and translation are enclosed ; 
and as I returned, his formal and official visit on the next day, 
Monday, the 7th, I had an opportunity of further conversing 
with him personally on the subject, and ascertaining that if the 
Nizam's general proposition were approved by the Government 
of India, the mode of paying the debt by bills on the Presi- 
dencies would be agreeable to the Nizam's government, and 
indeed the most convenient to it which could be adopted. 

31. On Wednesday evening, the 9th instant, I received a 
Persian note from Suraj-ool-Moolk, accompanied by an English 
translation, copies of which respectively are herewith enclosed. 

32. As this communication still referred to the detailed ar- 
rangements which would be connected with the payment of the 
Nizam's debt, and that I had, up to that period, neither received 
an answer to the Grovernor-Grenerars letter, nor any written 
communication in due form on the part of the Nizam with re- 
spect to his engagement to pay us immediately the total amount 
of his debt in such manner as should be approved by the British 
Government, and to give satisfactory security for the future 
regular pay of the contingent, I considered it necessary imme- 
diately to reply to Suraj-ool-Moolk, in the terms of a note, of 
which a copy and translation are enclosed. 

33. Suraj-ool-Moolk waited upon me at the Eesidency on the 
11th instant, and communicated to me the proposed draft of his 
reply to my note of the 9th, which, after reading over, and 
making in it several corrections and alterations which I con- 
sidered indispensably necessary, and in the propriety of which 
he acquainted me that he fully concurred, he took it away with 
him, promising to send me the fair copy on the evening of that 
day, or the next morning at the latest; on receipt of which, 



I acquainted him that I would send him, without loss of time, Appendix 
my final reply, and that I hoped to be able to address the , _ ^ 
Government of India on this subject in the course of the same Affairs of 
day. the Nkam - 

34. In the evening of the 12th instant I received his pro- 
mised letter, the purport and terms of which he had discussed 
with me on the 11th instant. 

35. A copy and translation of this letter (the latter furnished 
by Suraj-ool-Moolk himself) are herewith enclosed. 

36. It corresponded with the rough draft he had previously 
shown to me on the 1 1th, with exception, however, of an essen- 
tial difference in the third paragraph, wherein, instead of the 
expression I had approved of in the draft, and had myself, with 
Suraj-ool-Moolk's concurrence, caused to be inserted in it, to 
the effect that his Highness personally and solemnly guaranteed 
the immediate payment of the debt in the event of his proposi- 
tion on this subject meeting with the assent of the Government 
of India, I found that an important alteration had been made, 
by the substitution, in lieu of the personal assurance, as above 
explained, of a simple intimation that his Highness had approved 
of the arrangement for the full discharge of the debt, and had 
given strict commands that it should be punctually carried into 

37. I transmit the copy of a private note which accompanied 
Suraj-ool-Moolk's official one, in which it will be observed that 
he terms the alteration I have described a "slight" one. 

38. I by no means considered it such, for it altered in point 
of fact the whole nature of the transaction ; and, instead of im- 
posing on the sovereign of this country, as I intended should be 
the case, an entire and exclusive responsibility for the fulfil- 
ment of those conditions, on which alone I had assented to the 
temporary suspension of my demand for the transfer of districts, 
it shifted this responsibility to his minister, and would no doubt, 
in the estimation of the Nizam himself, have exempted him from 
the ulterior consequences and penalty of non-fulfilment, as he 
would in that case have been enabled to plead, in the manner 

B B 4 



Appendix habitual with him, that the fault was his minister's, and not h' 
^ . own. 

the^Nkam Independently °f these considerations, there was in the 

fact itself of the alteration having suggested itself to the mind of 
the Nizam, sufficient cause to suspect that his Highness was but 
adopting a scheme which might enable him to evade the neces- 
sity of advancing any part of his own personal treasures to Suraj- 
ool-Moolk in aid of the discharge of his debt to the British 
Government, and to throw the whole burden of this task, as 
well as the consequences of its non-fulfilment, on his minister, 
instead of taking this responsibility upon himself. 

40. It seemed but the renewal of an attempt which he has 
already made on several occasions since the death of Chundoo 
Lall, to sell the office of Dewan to the highest bidder, and to 
confer it on the person who shall take upon himself the dis- 
charge of existing liabilities without any necessity for his High- 
ness's personal assistance, and the production of money from his 
own private treasury for the accomplishment of this object. 

41. In every point of view the change in the official letter of 
the 11th instant now referred to, as compared with the proposed 
draft previously submitted to me on the same day, was, I thought, 
objectionable ; and it at once inspired me with some doubt of the 
good faith of the Nizam, and determined me to hold him bound 
to the accomplishment of his word by the plainest and most ex- 
press terms which courtesy and the respect due to his rank and 
station allowed me to propose ; or, in the event of his refusing 
to incur the obligation, to insist, without further discussion, on 
his compliance with the demands of the British Government. 

42. Under these circumstances, I accordingly lost no time in 
replying to the Minister's note of the 11th instant, and declined 
to accept the intimation therein conveyed as one which I could 
with propriety submit to the Government of India. 

43. A copy and translation of my note on this subject are 
enclosed, as well as a copy of my private note in reply to that 
from Suraj-ool-Moolk in the same form, which had accompanied 
his public letter, 

44. His answer to this communication, in two notes under 



date respectively the 11th and 15th instant, accompanied by Appendix 
English translations, reached me only yesterday evening ; and ^ . B ' 
as his note of the 11th, in its ultimately amended form, appeared Affairs of 
to embody all I could at present desire on the subject in view, 
and to be satisfactory, with exception only of that shade of dis- 
trust which had been thrown over my mind by the Nizam's at- 
tempt to substitute a mere order to his minister, in lieu of his 
own personal and absolute assurance, I have the honour of sub- 
mitting it, together with a copy and translation of my final 
reply to Suraj-ool-Moolk, under yesterday's date, for the consi- 
deration and orders of the Government of India. 

45. The instructions conveyed to me in your letter, under 
date the 6th ultimo, directed me to demand from his High- 
ness the Nizam the transfer of our temporary authority of cer- 
tain portions of his country for the purpose of gradually 
liquidating his Highness's debt to the British Government, and 
with a view to the possible event of their being hereafter set 
apart for the special maintenance of the contingent ; but these 
instructions did not advert to the possible case of the Nizam's 
paying at once and immediately the whole amount of his debt 
to the British Government, and affording security at the same 
time for the future regular payment of the contingent. 

46. This event was not considered a probable one by myself, 
nor were, I believe, any serious expectations of it entertained by 
the best-informed persons at Hyderabad. 

47. But his Highness has, notwithstanding, found means to 
take upon himself the fulfilment of both these objects, namely, 
the entire and immediate payment of his debt to us, and giving 
the best security that could be offered for the future regular 
payment of the contingent short of the actual transfer to us of 
part of his country for this purpose. 

48. Under these circumstances, I have not considered that I 
should be justified in at present urging my demand for the 
transfer of districts, and have consented to postpone it until the 
pleasure of the Government of India shall be known. 

4 9. My acquiescence in his Highness's proposal, and consent 
to leave the question of the transfer of districts in temporary 


Appendix abeyance, pending this reference to the Government of India, 
^ although not in accordance with the strict letter of your instruc- 
Affairs of tions, have appeared to me to be in conformity with the course 

of procedure which the circumstances of the case demanded ; 

but it is still in the power of the Grovernment of India to accept 

or to reject,*as it shall think proper, the alternative now offered 

by the Nizam. 

50. The conduct I have pursued in this instance will afford 
sufficient evidence of my own personal opinion that the alterna- 
tive offered by the Nizam should be accepted, and that it can 
scarcely in justice and reasonable policy be refused, although 
no doubt some ground might be found.for acting otherwise, if it 
were sought for in the uncertainty of the Nizam's character, 
and the little reason which his conduct has hitherto given us to 
place an absolutely implicit confidence in his promises and en- 

51. Should the Grovernment of India think proper to with- 
draw its demand for the immediate transfer of districts conse- 
quently on the Nizam's engagements now submitted, both with 
respect to the liquidation of his debt and security for the future 
pay of the contingent, I request to be informed on what places 
it will be considered most convenient that the hoondies be 
drawn, in which the Nizam has proposed to pay the amount of 
his debt, and also from what date the interest on this debt is to 
cease ; whether, as desired by Suraj-ool-Moolk, from the date at 
which I may receive the hoondies into my treasury in deposit, 
or that of my (eventually) communicating to the Nizam the ac- 
ceptance of his proposition by the British Grovernment, or, in 
conformity with what I have already expressed to the Minister 
as my opinion, from the date at which the hoondies shall have 
arrived at maturity, and be actually payable to us, since I per- 
ceive no sufficient reason why the British Grovernment should 
consent to suffer any loss whatever from its pecuniary transac- 
tions with the Nizam. 

52. These pecuniary transactions were forced upon us by the 
Nizam, not sought by the British Grovernment. They arose 
from the disordered state of his own finances, and the ill-regu- 



lated condition of his government, and any pecuniary loss re- Appendix 
suiting therefrom in consequence appears to me to be justly B < . 

53. I request also to be favoured with any further instructions 
which the convenience of the British Government, in a fiscal 
point of view, may appear to render necessary as connected with 
the financial arrangements now submitted. 

54. If either the rejection of the Nizam's present proposition 
by the Government of India, or his Highness's failure to fulfil 
those engagements he has now formally taken upon himself, 
shall lead to the British Grovernment persisting in or renewing 
its demand for the transfer of territory, and that his Highness 
refuses to give his consent to that transfer, which I regard as a 
possible event, I do not anticipate that there would be much 
difficulty in taking possession of the districts, even without his 
expressed assent. 

55. It is difficult to estimate the exact amount of resistance 
that might in that case be opposed to us ; but as there is no 
probability that any positive resistance or actual recourse to 
arms would emanate from the Nizam, and that it would occur 
if at all, only on the part of some of those bands of Arabs and 
others who, under the orders of their chiefs, might attempt to 
hold possession of the forts in which they are now stationed, I 
am of opinion that the Hyderabad subsidiary force and the 
Nizam's contingent would be fully equal to every military 
service that could be required of them in connection with this 

56. It might be well, however, I think, to provide for all 
possible contingencies, by authorising me to demand such fur- 
ther military aid as I might eventually require from Bellary, 
the head quarters of the ceded districts under the Madras Pre- 
sidency, and from the subsidiary force at Nagpore, if it could 
conveniently be spared from thence. 

57. Pending the receipt of the further orders of Government, 
I have acquainted Captains Commandant Taylor and Bullock 
and Mr. Dighton that their services are not for the present 

chargeable to himself. 

Affairs of 
the Nizam. 




Appendix required here, and I have directed the two former gentlemen to 
v_ B ' return to their civil and military duties respectively. 

Affairs of I have, &C, 

the Nizam. 

(Signed) J. S. Fraser, 

Hyderabad Kesidency, 1 6th July, 1851. Eesident. 

Translation of Suraj-ool-MooWs Observations, made on 
4th July, 1851. 

His Highness's orders are, that as his Government did not 
liquidate the debt due by it to the Honourable Company at 
the appointed time, districts have been demanded by the Go- 
vernment of India. Immediately on the receipt of the Gover- 
nor-General's khureeta, a dewan was appointed, and that office 
vested in Suraj-ool-Moolk Bahadoor. Agreeably to a separate 
list, the aforesaid Bahadoor will remit to the Eesident's treasury 
the hoondies of the sahoocars, and the amount of the debt will 
be completely liquidated. As the amount of the debt will be 
fully discharged, there will be no necessity for taking districts, 
because the money for the debt would be realised early, and 
without trouble ; whereas by taking districts, it would take up 
years to liquidate it. Besides, by taking the districts, nearly 
one-third of his Highness's country will be gone ; one-third will 
be required for the regular monthly payment of the contingent, 
and the only remaining one will tend to the ruin of the Govern- 
ment, because it would not only be difficult for the people to obtain 
their living, but it would be difficult to him also. The protection 
of my Government and my person have ever been graciously 
afforded by the British Government, and so it should always 

Suraj-ool-Moolk said this is the purport of his Highness's 
observations : as the debt will be liquidated without any abate- 
ment, it is not necessary to give up the districts. 

(True translation and copy.) 
(Signed) C. Davidson, Assistant Eesident. 



No. 58 of 1853. 

From Colonel J. Low, C.B., Resident, Hyderabad, to C. Allen, Appendix 

Esq., Officiating Secretary to the Government of India, in B ' . 

the Foreign Department, Fort William, Affairs of 

the Nizam. 

Sir,— Having now been nine days at this capital, I have the 
honour to address you for the purpose of reporting the chief 
occurrences that have taken place during that time between the 
Nizam's court and myself. 

2. I do not think it necessary in such a report to notice the 
ordinary official correspondence which passes daily between my 
office and that of the Nizam's Prime Minister, because, as a 
general rule, I think that such correspondence is sufficiently 
indicated to my own Government by the weekly diaries. 

3. I shall, however, on this occasion, make one exception to 
that general rule, were it only to show that, even on the arrival 
of a new Kesident, the Prime Minister, Suraj-ool-Moolk, cannot 
refrain from his inveterate habit of making injudicious official 
promises which he is unable to fulfil. 

4. I allude to the following circumstance, viz., that during 
the nine days above mentioned the Minister voluntarily made 
two written promises to me to send to my treasury, on two sepa- 
rate days, and at specified hours, the pay due to the contingent 
for October and November last, and that, as he entirely failed 
to perform either of those promises, I gave orders for the pay 
for the two months in question to be issued from the British 

5. It is only fair, however, to observe, that various matters of 
other business (not pecuniary), which required more than ordi- 
nary trouble to be taken by the Minister, have been brought to 
a satisfactory conclusion by Suraj-ool-Moolk since my arrival. 

6. The occurrences of the week alluded to at the commence- 
ment of this letter consisted chiefly in my receiving and paying 
official visits, which, with one exception, to be noticed in a sub- 
sequent part of this letter, need not be very particularly de- 




Affairs of 
the Nizam. 

7. Five visits in all have been paid to me and by me since 
my arrival here on the 7th instant. I was first visited by two 
gentlemen of high rank- from the court, named Ihtzad-oo 
Dowlah Bahadoor and Sudar Jung Bahadoor, and whose obje 
was solely to congratulate me on the part of the Nizam on my 
safe arrival at Hyderabad. The second visit was paid to me by 
the Minister and his nephew, Salar Jung, for the purpose of 
settling the day when I should pay my first visit to the Nizam, 
which was accordingly settled for the 12th instant; the next was 
one from the Minister, to breakfast with me on the 12th instant, 
and to conduct me immediately after it to the palace, where I 
paid my first visit of ceremony to the Nizam, to present the 
Grovernor-Greneral's khureeta to his Highness, and to have my 
credentials as British Eepresentative read in open durbar ; and 
the last one was that of my having accepted an invitation to 
dinner yesterday evening at the Minister's, along with a large 
party of ladies and gentlemen from Secunderabad and Bolarum, 
and the vicinity of this Eesidency. 

8. On paying my visit to the Nizam, I was accompanied by 
Major Davidson, the Assistant, Major Briggs, the Officiating 
Military Secretary, Dr. Maclean, the Eesidency Surgeon, Lieu- 
tenant Duncan, commanding the escort, and by two visitors, 
viz., Brigadier Mayne, of the Nizam's service, and Ensign Bell, 
of the 2nd Madras E. L. Infantry. 

9. As such ceremonies have often been reported to Govern- 
ment, I need not describe the mode of my reception at the 
Nizam's durbar during the public part of my visit, further than 
to say that all the forms usual at this court were gone through 
in a proper manner ; and I may add, that several of the gentle- 
men present remarked that his Highness's manner was unusually 
affable and polite, both towards myself and to all the gentlemen 
who accompanied me. 

10. Before proceeding further I may as well mention, that 
when the Minister first called upon me, he endeavoured to per- 
suade me, that at my first visit to the Nizam it would be proper 
to avoid having a private conference of any kind ; but I politely 
declined to follow that advice, and desired Suraj-ool-Moolk to 




apprise his Highness of my intention to make a communication Appendix 
to him from the Grovernor-Greneral at a private conference, B ' 
separate from the ceremonial part of my reception at the durbar. Affairs of 

11. After conversing some time in the public durbar, a con- the NlZdm * 
ference accordingly took place on the 12th instant, between his 
Highness and myself, which was entirely private ; and as some 
portions of his Highness's questions and remarks on that occa- 
sion were very peculiar, and as he spoke of the contingent troops 
particularly in a manner which he never did before, I believe, 

to any European, at least certainly not during the last eighteen 
or nineteen years, I have thought it best to describe the whole 
of my private conference in a separate minute, which I have 
now the honour to enclose. 

12. I drafted that minute immediately that I returned hither 
from the durbar, excepting the postscript, which I have added 
this day; and as nothing material has been omitted that oc- 
curred at that private conference, I am not aware that I can in this 
letter add anything to the subject which can be interesting to 
the Most Noble the Grovernor-Greneral in Council, excepting this, 
that as yet it is quite a mystery to me whether the principal ques- 
tion which the Nizam put to me originated with himself, or was 
suggested and recommended to him by some other person ; and 
if the latter be the true state of the case, I am equally ignorant 
who the person was who made the suggestion. I may as well 
state, in conclusion, however, that although I did not, as will be 
observed, at all discourage conversation on the subject, yet, from 
what I have heard and seen of the Nizam's character, my belief 
is that most probably he will not again agitate the question as 
to " why the contingent was kept up after the conclusion of the 
last war with the Mahratta powers." 

I have, &c, 
(Signed) J. Low, 


Hyderabad Residency, March 16th, 1853. 

the Nizam. 


Appendix Minute of a Private Conference which I held with his High- 
„ B - ness the Nizam, in the forenoon of this day, viz., the \2th 

Affairs of of March, 1853, no. third person being present till towards 
the end of my visit, when the Nuwab Suraj-ool-Moolk was 
called in. 

1. As soon as all the attendants had been sent off to such a 
distance as not to be able to hear what might pass between his 
Highness and myself, I opened the conference, by alluding to 
the paper delivered to him by Major Davidson on the 22nd of 
January last, from which, as I stated, his Highness " must know- 
that I had communications of a very serious nature to make to 

2. His Highness here interrupted me by saying, "Oh, yes; 
but I am sure you will not make any communication to me that 
is not that of a friend." I replied, "Your Highness may be 
assured that all that I am about to say is in the spirit of true 

3. I then proceeded to explain that the Governor-General, 
with great consideration for his Highness, had abstained for the 
present from giving me official orders to insist upon any new 
measures, in order to give me time previously to explain per- 
sonally to his Highness, and in the most friendly manner, the 
views and intentions of the British Government towards his 
Highness, in the hope that such friendly personal discussions 
would greatly facilitate a speedy and amicable settlement of 
everything that was required for the satisfaction of both States ; 
and then, without waiting for any further remark from his High- 
ness, I spoke to the following effect* viz., that the Governor- 
General of India had no wish to be harsh in any way towards his 
Highness, and still less, if less were possible, had he any wish to 
interfere in the interior management of his Highness's do- 
minions : that I myself was very anxious to do all the duty that 
I might have to do connected with his Highnesses Government in 
friendly concert with himself ; but there are some things which 
the British Government is bound in honour to insist upon being 
done, and which had not been done at all of late years, viz., 



that all those money payments for which we are guarantee must Appendix 
be paid with regularity, especially the monthly payments for the 
contingent force, and the annual payments on account of Appa Affairs of 
Dessaye's chout and Moluput Kam's family; that two lakhs 
must be paid next month on the latter account ; that three lakhs 
were required every month for the contingent troops, and that 
no less than forty-five (45) lakhs of rupees and upwards were now 
due to the British Government on account of pay that we had 
advanced for the contingent. I also expatiated at some length 
upon the vexation to us (which I said we could no longer submit 
to), and the humiliation to his Highness, caused by the frequent 
and often fruitless demands on our part for money to pay those 
troops, and by the undignified evasions and unworthy breaches 
of promise of which his minister was continually guilty respect- 
ing those payments ; and I then placed into his Highness's 
hand a Persian memorandum on the subject of the arrears, 
which exhibited the precise sum now due to us, viz., Hyderabad 
Rs. 45,41,734. 4. 2. 

4. His Highness then spoke as follows, and in an emphatic 
manner, viz. : <c You say you wish to act in friendly concert with 
me ; that is particularly what I want. If you will be my friend 
and my partner in business, all will go on prosperously." He 
then gave a hasty glance at the memorandum, and said, " This 
is very extraordinary." I said, e< No ; it is really not surprising 
that it had run into arrears, because you neither keep any per- 
manent general treasury into which the revenues of your country 
are paid, and from which the current expenses of your Govern- 
ment are disbursed, nor have you made any separate assignments 
of land revenue for the payment of the contingent : your minister 
promised to assign certain districts for that payment ; but he did 
not perform his promises, and it is necessary that I should tell 
you that my Government is determined no longer to rely upon 
promises. Some substantial arrangement must be made that 
will produce the monthly sum required to a certainty ; and I 
really know of no other that can be relied upon excepting 
assignments on the revenue of districts for that specific pur- 

VOL. I. C C 



Appendix 5. The Nizam then exclaimed, " But there is no reason why the 

, _ E - contingent should not be paid monthly with perfect regularity ; 

Affairs of and if it has not been so, it is entirely the fault of the Dewan." 

the Nizam. ^ re p]| e( ^ ? « ^he Dewan is your officer, not mine ; I look to you 
to see that the duty of your Government is performed by your 
officers ; you are the ruler (malik) of this country. " God is 
malik," said the Nizam ; and then his Highness, in a very altered 
tone of voice, lowering it almost to a whisper, said to me, 
" Colonel Sahib, I want to ask you a question about that con- 
tingent." I said, " Very well, do so ;" when his Highness ad- 
dressed the following remarkable speech to me. I shall re- 
late it in his Highness's own words precisely, according to the best 
of my recollection. They are correctly translated in the fol- 
lowing separate paragraph : — 

6. " In the time of my father (said his Highness) the Peish- 
wa of Poona became hostile both to the Company's Govern- 
ment and to this Government, and Sahib Jung (meaning Sir 
Henry Russell) organised this contingent, and sent it in dif- 
ferent directions, along with the Company's troops, to fight 
the Mahratta people ; and this was all very proper, and accord- 
ing to the treaty, for those Mahrattas were enemies of both 
States; and the Company's army and my father's army con- 
quered the ruler of Poona, and you sent him off a prisoner to 
Hindoosthan, and took the country of Poona. After that there 
was no longer any war ; so why was the contingent kept up any 
longer than the war ? " 

7. To the above remarkable and very unexpected speech I 
replied as follows : " I do not see why your Highness should 
expect me to answer questions about events that occurred in 
your father's kingdom six-and-thirty years ago, and especially 
so as I was not in this part of India at that time ; but I imagine 
it must have happened somewhat in this way, namely, that the 
promise made by your father in the treaty to have so many 
thousand infantry and so many thousand cavalry ready at all 
times to co-operate with the British armies, had been broken in 
former times, and that Sahib Jung thought it was for the good 
of this Government that the contingent should be kept up, 



because it would always be ready for work, by its being paid Appendix 
through the Kesidency, efficiently armed and equipped, and B " 
commanded by British officers. And, moreover, I suppose that Affairs of 
your father thought it a good arrangement, and that he therefore the Nlzam - 
consented to it." 

8. I was here interrupted by the following exclamation : 
" Don't say my father ; say the Maharaja." I asked if he 
meant Eaja Chundoo Lall ; and, as he replied in the affirmative, 
I went on to say, " Well, but your father allowed Chundoo Lall 
to act as he did. If the natural sovereign of any country takes 
no trouble about his own affairs, and allows his minister to exer- 
cise all the powers of sovereignty, other states must carry on 
public business with that minister ; they cannot avoid it." In 
reply to that observation upon my part, the Nizam said, " That 
is very true, perfectly true ; I only wished to ask you the ques- 
tion, and I trust you will excuse it." I replied, " Most assuredly ; 
indeed, there is nothing to excuse, for I wish you to speak to me 
freely on all subjects, and I will always answer any question you 
like to put to me, if it be in my power to do so." 

9. The Nizam thanked me for the answer just related, and 
from the expression of his countenance at that moment, and 
from what followed subsequently, I am now inclined to think 
that he would not have again reverted to the subject at all, if I 
had not resumed it in the following manner : I said, " But I beg 
your Highness to tell me what your object is in speaking thus 
about the contingent. Do you think that the Arabs, and 
Eohillas, and Sikhs, and other plunderers, and many evil-dis- 
posed men in your country, would let you collect your revenues 
quietly, if they were not overawed by the presence in your 
territories of the contingent? or is it your wish to lessen the 
expense of the contingent? Because if it be so, the Grovernor- 
Gfeneral is so much disposed to act liberally towards you, that I 
believe he would authorise me to give you good aid towards 
lessening the expense of that force in a gradual and equitable 
manner, provided that you make proper arrangements for the 
regular pay of the number of men and officers which it may 

c c 2 



Appendix be determined to keep up permanently with the contingent, for 
v_ ^' that is the grand desideratum." 

Affairs of 10. The Nizam's answer, if it can be called an answer, to my 
last observation, was given in the following few words precisely, 
neither more nor less ; viz. : " No*, no; they are excellent troops, 
very useful troops indeed. But I won't trouble you with any 
more conversation to-day; I'll send for Suraj-ool-Moolk, and 
order him to attend to your wishes." 

11. I had no . intention of makiug any rejoinder to the short 
speech just quoted, but, what is not so easily accounted for, the 
Nizam himself was evidently resolved to drop the subject as 
suddenly as he had introduced it ; for he had no sooner uttered 
that short sentence than he called out in a loud voice to a 
chobdar who was standing at some distance, desiring him to 
send for Suraj-ool-Moolk, who came back accordingly, and the 
private conference was thus brought to a conclusion. 

12. As soon as the Minister had taken his seat, the Nizam 
told him in a few words that he must set to work forthwith to 
satisfy Colonel Low in all arrangements relative to the contin- 
gent, observing at the same time, that "when Ram Buksh was 
Minister, the contingent had been paid regularly for ten months 

insuccession."f On this, the Minister, approaching near to his 
Highness, said something which was not audible to me, when 
the Nizam turned round to me, and said that he would consult 
fully with the Minister and other officers of his government on 
financial affairs in the course of the next two or three days, and 
that he would then send the Minister to me to communicate 
various projected measures of importance. 

13. His Highness then briefly renewed the expression of 
some complimentary remarks about myself, aud alluded again 
to his confidence in my friendship. The several British officers 

* I have given the Nizam's little f I find from Major Davidson that 

speech exactly as it was spoken ; but that assertion of his Highness is a 

I really do not know to what part of very erroneous one respecting the 

my own remarks or questions the pay of the contingent in the time of 

words " No, no," were meant to Earn Buksh. — (Signed) J. Low, 

apply. — (Signed) J. Low, Resident. Resident. 



who accompanied me to the durbar (and who, during the private Appendix 
conference, were seated in another apartment) were then sent . _ ^ ' , 
for, and his Highness called for the uttur and pan, when we took Affairs of 
our leave, and returned to the Kesidency. the Nlzam 

(Signed) J.. Low, 


Hyderabad Eesideney, 12th March, 1853, 

P.S. — Since the foregoing minute was signed, it has occurred 
to me that it will be more complete if I add the following 
remark, viz., that when I spoke to the Nizam of the " humilia- 
tion" to his Highness involved in our constantly recurring 
complaints of neglect, and our demands for money payments, 
both his manner and his few words on the subject left a deep 
impression on my mind that he scarcely comprehends how such 
occurrences can by any person be thought humiliating to him, 
although he seemed to think it natural enough that the 
Governor-General and the Eesident also should be displeased 
when such pecuniary demands on his minister are neglected. 
His Highness seems to suppose that disgrace of that description 
(if he considers it at all in so serious a point of view) falls 
exclusively upon his minister. 

That want of proper feeling, on the part of the Nizam, for 
the honour and credit of his durbar, and his inveterate habit of 
supposing that he can escape all blame (or at least all vexation 
to himself) by imputing every error or short-coming of his 
government to his prime minister for the time being, are sad 
defects in the public character of his Highness; and unless 
such defects be cured, which I fear is very improbable, they 
must render any material improvement in the management of 
this State almost hopeless during the administration of the 
present ministry. 

(Signed) J. Low, 


Hyderabad Residency, 16th March, 1853. 

c c 3 



No. 70 of 1853. 

Appendix From Colonel J. Low, C.B., Resident at Hyderabad, to C. Allen, 
. _ R , Esq., Officiating Secretary to the Government of India in the 
Affairs of Foreign Department, Fort William. 

the Nizam. 

Sir, — I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your des- 
patch, No. 1660, dated the 8th ultimo, containing full instructions 
for my guidance in the projected negotiations with the Nizam's 
government, and enclosing in a separate paper a draft of a treaty 
to be offered for his Highness's acceptance. 

2. These important documents reached me on the 20th ultimo. 
I immediately requested the Prime Minister, Suraj-ool-Moolk, 
to visit me at the Eesidency, who did so accordingly on the 22nd 
idem ; and on the last-mentioned day I delivered to the Minister 
a Persian translation of the draft treaty enclosed in your despatch, 
along with the Persian note for myself, of which I now subjoin a 
translation *, instructing him to show both the draft treaty and 
the note to the Nizam, and to request him to appoint an early 
day for me to wait upon him, to explain any details on which his 
Highness might require further information. 

3. Before proceeding further, it is proper that I should mention, 
that many days previous to the receipt of your despatch, I had 
a long personal private interview with the Nizam, at which I 
announced to him distinctly that a new treaty would soon be 

* Translation of a Note from tlje sonally and fully to Lis Highness. 

Resident to Nuwab Suraj-ool-Moolk, I have had a Persian translation 

dated 22nd April, 1853 : — of the draft treaty forwarded to 

"I have to-day personally made me by the Governor-General, pre- 

you acquainted with the subject of pared, which is now enclosed ; and 

the instructions forwarded to my with a view to his Highness's per- 

address by the Government of India, fectly understanding- the meaning of 

dated the 8th April, 1853 (28th what is required, I beg to intimate 

Jumadee-oss-Sanee). It is now re- to you that the revenues of the ta- 

quisite that you should submit this looks, alluded to in the draft treaty 

matter to his Highness the Nizam, amount to 36 lakhs of rupees per 

and have an early day for an au- annum, 
dience with me appointed, in order (A true translation.) 

that I may explain all matters per- (Signed) J. Low, Resident. 



proposed to him, the principal objects of which I explained to Appendix 
his Highness. B ' . „ 

4. The interview with the Nizam just alluded to occurred on Affairs of 
the 2nd ultimo ; but immediately after that date, for nearly three 
weeks, all business of importance between the Eesidency and 

the durbar was suspended, in consequence, first, of a very severe 
illness from which the Minister was suffering, and afterwards, for 
some days, owing to some religious ceremonies in which the 
Nizam himself was engaged. 

5. At the conference above alluded to, the Nizam expressed a 
very decided repugnance to making any alteration in the existing 
treaty ; and when I expressed an opinion to him that the only 
way for matters between the two states to be put upon a proper 
footing would be to add some new articles to the treaty, his first 
exclamation was, "God forbid that I should suffer such dis- 

6. The above exclamation on the part of the Nizam, and 
other remarks of a somewhat similar tenor which followed from 
his Highness, led to a long discussion between us, in which my 
chief object was to remove such erroneous notions and prejudices 
from his Highness's mind ; but I shall not burden this despatch 
by describing the details of that conversation, because it will be 
my duty to detail fully what occurred between me and his High- 
ness only three days ago, viz., the 30th ultimo, which conference 
took place by appointment after his Highness had had the draft 
treaty before him several days, and had discussed the matter 
fully with his confidential advisers. 

7. It seems now, therefore, sufficient to state, with respect to 
my conference of the 2nd ultimo, that although I could not 
succeed in persuading his Highness that a new treaty could be 
of any advantage to him, because he said, " A change in a treaty, 
be it what it may, can never be an advantage to a sovereign who 
prefers, as I do, that there should not be any change at all," 
yet I so far succeeded at that time in getting over the Nizam's 
dislike to the affair, that he promised me to read over attentively 
any draft of a new treaty that I might prepare for his perusal, 
saying that he would compare it with the old treaty, which he had 

c c 4 



Appendix not looked at for many years, and that lie would then talk over 

v. B ; the scheme for a new one ; but he ended that conversation by 

Affairs of stating emphatically as follows : " I don't want any new treaty 
the Nizam. , , n , . , 

at ail, now much soever you or any other person or persons may 

fancy it to be advantageous to my interests." 

8. My discussions relative to a new treaty had accordingly, 
reached the stage above described when your despatch of the 
8th ultimo reached me; and, therefore, when I saw that the 
preamble of the draft treaty, and the first eight articles of it, 
explained so well the necessity of a new treaty, and showed 
so distinctly the improved position which the Nizam would 
occupy for the good management of his remaining dominions 
by his concluding such a treaty, I made up my mind to com- 
mence the negotiation by giving a Persian translation of the 
draft treaty to the Minister for delivery to the Nizam, and to 
request the latter to fix an early day for permitting me to wait 
upon his Highness. The note addressed to the Minister, of 
which a translation is subjoined to the third paragraph of this 
letter, was written at the request of the Minister, by way of a 
credential to him, to authorise his presenting the draft treaty to 
his master. 

9. The Nuwab Suraj-ool-Moolk, after reading over the draft 
treaty, and discussing the whole subject fully in conversation, 
first with me separately, and afterwards with Major Davidson 
and myself together, assured us both, more than once, that in 
his opinion his master's general affairs were now in such a state 
that he ought to consider himself fortunate in having an oppor- 
tunity of forming such a treaty. One of the expressions made 
use of by Suraj-ool-Moolk before he quitted my office on that 
occasion with the draft treaty in his hand, was this, that " Even 
a child, if he were free from prejudice, and the advice of evil 
counsellors, would see that there are great and manifest advan- 
tages for the Nizam, and for his government, in concluding the 
proposed treaty." 

10. But as I perceive that this despatch has already extended 
to a considerable length, I think it will be more convenient to 
the Most Noble the Grovernor-Greneral in Council, if my last con- 



ference with the Nizam, which took place three days ago, and a Appendix 
visit from the Minister to me, which occurred yesterday, should B " 
be described in a separate despatch, and I shall accordingly have Affairs of 
the honour of addressing you again to-morrow on those sub- 
jects. I have, &c, 

(Signed) J. Low, 


Hyderabad Kesidency, 3rd May, 1853. 

No. 71 of 1853. 

From Colonel J. Low, C.B., Resident at Hyderabad, to C. Allen, 
Esq., Officiating Secretary to the Government of India in 
the Foreign Department, Fort William. 

Sir, — With reference to the concluding part of my letter, No. 
70, dated yesterday, I have now the honour to address you for the 
purpose of reporting my negotiations with his Highness the 
Nizam, relative to the proposed new treaty. 

2. The Nizam having fixed the forenoon of Saturday the 
30th ultimo, as the time for receiving me, to discuss the above- 
mentioned important subject, I accordingly waited upon his 
Highness at the hour appointed. 

3. In the first instance the interview was a private one, only 
his Highness and myself being in the reception-room. 

4. Before I proceed further, I may as well mention that I 
found his Highness the Nizam in a state of considerable excite- 
ment ; his face was much flushed, and his eyes appeared some- 
what inflamed. Were I to judge from his appearance only, I 
should say that he was under an excitement caused either by 
wine or opium ; but his subsequent conversation made me doubt 
that his appearance and manner (although both very unusual) 
could have been caused by inebriation. Possibly the alteration 
in his countenance may have been caused by his sitting up nearly 
all night (which I afterwards heard that he did), conversing in 
anger about the proposed treaty ; at all events, whatever may 
have been the origin of his peculiar appearance, it neither de- 



Appendix prived him of his ordinary amount of intellect, nor impeded his 
, Ej , powers of speech ; on the contrary, I have never known him 
Affairs of more acute in argument, nor more fluent in conversation than he 
the Nizam. on th&t occasion. But his manner was often vehement, and 

his remarks were more than once uttered with a very loud 


5. I began the conversation by adverting to the last visit 
which I paid to his Highness, from which I observed that he was 
aware that this treaty was then on its way from Calcutta, or, at 
least, that orders were coming to me to propose a treaty of this 
kind to him : " Yes," said his Highness, " you told me that you 
were going to propose a new treaty, but you never told me that 
such a treaty as this was to be proposed to me ; you never told 
me that you were to ask me to give up a large portion of my 
dominions in perpetuity " (his Highness dwelt particularly on 
the word "perpetuity"): and he went on to say, "Did I ever 
make war against the English Government, or intrigue against 
it? or do anything but co-operate with it, and be obedient to 
its wishes, that I should be so disgraced ?" 

6. That speech led to a long address on my part, in which I 
did all in my power to persuade his Highness that there was 
no disgrace whatever in forming such a treaty as that which was 
proposed to him ; but his Highness seemed determined not to 
allow anything that could be said on the opposite side of the 
question to induce him to deviate at all from a few of his fa- 
vourite assertions, one of which was the following : " Two acts on 
the part of a sovereign prince are always reckoned disgraceful ; 
one is, to give away unnecessarily any portion of his hereditary 
territories, and the other is to disband troops who have been 
brave and faithful in his service." 

7. At the conference now described (which lasted nearly three 
hours), I am sure that the Nizam repeated the sentence above 
quoted, and in the same words precisely, at least three different 
times ; and when I explained to him both that there was no 
disgrace at all to him in the proposed scheme, and moreover, 
that the possession of land by us for the pay of the contingent 
is really and truly necessary for their efficiency, he always declared 



that it was not necessary, because he would now not only pay Appendix 

up the entire debt due, but would arrange also for the pay being , ^ , 

issued as regularly to the contingent force as is done to the troops Affairs of 
at Secunderabad. theNkam. 

8. Having anticipated something like the opposition that I 
met with on this occasion, I had brought an office box with me, 
containing your despatch of the 8th ultimo. I accordingly took 
out that paper, and looked over many parts of it while I was 
sitting by the Nizam, and I can assure the Governor-General in 
Council that there is not a single argument contained in my in- 
structions that I did not mention and enlarge upon in address- 
ing his Highness ; while I also introduced other arguments which 
I thought might be useful, such as that by making over land to 
us for the payments now made to his troops and pensioners, 
he himself would be relieved entirely from the personal vexation 
to which he had of late years been continually exposed by the 
pressing demands of the Eesident for these monthly pecuniary 
payments ; and I particularly pointed out to him how free he 
had always been from any trouble connected with the troops at 
Secunderabad and Jauluah, solely because land had been ceded 
to us for their support. 

9. In regard to the Nizam's offer to pay the entire debt, I 
replied, that my Government would of course not refuse to 
receive payment, if tendered without delay ; but I explained to 
him in detail how much more profitable to himself, and how 
very advantageous it would be to his own troops and other public 
servants, if he would pay the 46 lakhs of rupees which he now 
tendered to me to those troops and servants of his own to whom 
he was deeply in debt. I argued, that after paying up his troops, 
they would be obedient, and would be of service to him, whereas 
now they were discontented and even mutinous, and were many 
of them worse than useless to him ; but nothing that I said could 
reconcile his Highness to the notion of making any new treaty 
at all. 

10. After our conversation had lasted, I should think, about 
half an hour, the Nizam agreed to have the treaty read over to 
him in my presence, in order that I might hear his objections, 



Appendix and answer them in detail, and his Highness sent for the Min- 
. .. _ . ister, and also for the urz-begee, an old man, named Eteyam- 
Affairs of ool-Moolk. The urz-begee was desired to read the draft treaty, 

til 6 "N" tz fl,Trt 

while I looked at my copy, and it was agreed that his Highness 
should state any objections that occurred to him. 

11. The first part of the draft treaty which attracted his 
Highness's notice, was that which is now quoted in the margin*, 
and which led him to expatiate at some length to the following 
purport, viz., " It is evident," said the Nizam, " that the Gover- 
nor-General has proposed this treaty in consequence of the 
differences and discussions which had occurred respecting the 
adjustment of charges about the contingent, and with a view to 
prevent a recurrence of such discussions ; and that as he,, the 
Nizam, was now prepared himself to make an arrangement by 
which the contingent would be paid on the 1st of every month, 
like the East India Company's own troops, it is equally clear 
that there is no necessity at all for making any new treaty." 

12. When I reminded his Highness that he had held similar 
language before to General Fraser, and yet had not performed 
his promises, he again and again said that he never himself made 
such promises as he was now making, and was prepared to make, 
to me, with the guarantee also of others (alluding, I believe, to 
some bankers) : and on one occasion when his Highness was 
holding this language, which was often repeated, he added, 
"Besides, this is a new state of things entirely; the former pro- 
mises were only those of the Dewan ; and above all, there never, 
in the time of General Fraser, was such a thing as that brought 
to me," pointing to the draft treaty which was lying on the floor, 
His Highness seemed to look on that paper with a sort of horror. 

13. The urz-begee continued to read the draft treaty, but ex- 

* " And whereas differences and advantage of both powers, that such 
discussions have for some time ex- differences should now be finally 
isted between the contracting parties settled, and that the recurrence of 
regarding the adjustment of charges such discussions, which tend to dis- 
connected with portions of the mili- turb the friendship and harmony of 
tary arrangements subsisting be- the contracting parties, should effec- 
tween the States ; and whereas it is tually be prevented." 
fit and proper, and for the mutual 


cepting some few questions which the Nizam asked of the Min- Appendix 
ister (in a low tone of voice) about the subsidiary force, which . B ' _ . 
I did not hear distinctly, his Highness did not make any obser- Affairs of 
vation until the sixth article was read, which he loudly objected the Nlzam * 
to, using similar arguments to those which he had before used, 
and I answering them in the same manner as I had done before, 
as above described. 

14. In the course of the dialogue between the Nizam and my- 
self, his Highness more than once said, " Wah," in a loud tone 
of voice, and with an expression of countenance, which was cer- 
tainly not polite, but I do not think that he intended any per- 
sonal rudeness towards me. He was evidently, from some cause 
or other, or perhaps from various causes, much excited, and he 
could not entirely command either his language or his manner. 

15. About this time the Nizam suddenly ordered every one to 
retire to another room, so that our conference again became a 
private one; when he entreated me, as a personal favour, to 
endeavour to persuade the Governor-General to give up the 
scheme of a new treaty, and to advise his Lordship to trust to 
his Highness's word that all future payments in which the 
British Government are in any way concerned, will be paid with 
the utmost regularity ; to which I replied, that " Such a pro- 
cedure on my part was totally out of the question." 

16. The Nizam then made a very long rambling speech, which 
I should not think of reporting at all, were it not that a brief 
description of it may tend to make his Highness's peculiar and 
strange character somewhat better known to the Government of 
India than, it has hitherto been. 

17. The speech above alluded to was first to the following 
effect : That some men were born in situations so different from 
those of other men, and had such different duties to perform 
through life, that the one set of men could never sympathise 
with, or even comprehend, the feelings of the other set ; for in- 
stance, (said the Nizam,) " Gentlemen like you, who are some- 
times in Europe, and at other times in India ; sometimes em- 
ployed in Government business, at other times soldiers ; some- 
times sailors, and at other times even engaged in commerce, — at 




Affairs of 
the Nizam. 

least I have heard that some great men of your tribe have been 
merchants ; you cannot understand the nature of my feelings in 
this matter. I am a sovereign prince, born to live and die in 
this kingdom, which has belonged to my family for seven ge- 
nerations. You think I could be happy if I were to give up a 
portion of my kingdom to your Government in perpetuity ; it is 
totally impossible that I could be happy ; I should feel that I 
was disgraced. I have heard that one gentleman of your tribe 
considered that I ought to be quite contented and happy if I 
were put upon the same footing as Mahommed Grhouse Khan * ; 
to have a pension paid to me like an old servant, and have 
nothing to do but to eat, and sleep, and say my prayers." Here 
his Highness made use of an exclamation in Arabic, which ex- 
presses both surprise and anger, and with a manner and a tone 
of voice which seemed to me to indicate anger in no ordinary 

18. After recovering from that ebullition of temper, his High- 
ness then said, " You are not quite so preposterous in your way 
of judging of me as that, but you, too, don't comprehend the 
nature of my feelings as a sovereign prince ; for instance, you 
talked of my saving at least eight lakhs f of rupees per annum by 
making this treaty as something that I ought to like ! Now I 
tell you, that if it were quite certain that I could save four times 
eight lakhs of rupees, I should not be satisfied; because I 
should lose my honour by parting with my territory." 

19. The Nizam then went on to say, that it was a very extra- 
ordinary proceeding on our part to ask territory from him, be- 
cause we ought, properly speaking, to give some more territory 
to him instead of taking any from him ; adding, that we had 
never given him any share of the lands of the Carnatic, which 
we had taken from Mahommed Alee, who was a vassal of his. 

20. I replied in a few words, that his Highness had no claim 

* Meaning the present Nuwab of 

f I had mentioned eight lakhs of 
saving to the Nizam, instead of the 
•six lakhs mentioned in the 15th pa- 

ragraph of your despatch, by noticing 
the interest that he is constantly 
obliged to pay, when borrowing 
money, for the payment of the con- 
tingent. —(Signed) J. Low, Resident. 




to a single acre of the Carnatic, because Mahommed Alee .was Appendix 
entirely independent of Hyderabad long before we had any v B - , 
quarrel with him, and had made treaties with us and with other Affairs of 
powers, without at all consulting the Nizam's forefather, Nizam the Nizam< 
Alee Khan. 

21. The Nizam made no rejoinder to my reply about the 
Carnatic, but then said to me, " What has become of my share 
of Masulipatam and Chicacole, &c. ? What has become of my 
seven lakhs of rupees a year which my grandfather agreed to take 
from you in lieu of those Circars ? What sin have I committed 
that I should lose that seven lakhs of rupees a year of tribute?" 

22. In reply to the last question, I reminded the Nizam that 
the peshcush in question had been redeemed by the payment 
of a crore and several lakhs of rupees in specie into the hands of 
William Palmer & Co., on account of his father's government, 
which would otherwise have had to pay that amount for the 
support of this very contingent ; and I took the opportunity of 
saying, that if originally the pay of the contingent had been 
arranged for by a cession of territory, all that annoyance which 
he mentioned about losing the peshcush, and all the annoyance 
of the present discussion, would have been saved to his High- 
ness ; and I again urged him to accept of the present treaty, as 
being by far the most advisable step that he could take in the 
present emergency. 

23. The Nizam here complained in bitter terms of having 
been compelled (by William Palmer & Co., as he said) to lose 
the Masulipatam and Chicacole " peshcush ; " not, as he asserted, 
for the loss of seven lakhs of rupees per annum, nearly so much 
as for the loss of honour; declaring that to lose tribute was 
almost as great a disgrace as to lose territory. His Highness 
then made some further rambling observations to this effect: 
that if his grandfather, Nizam Alee Khan, who was a clever man, 
were alive, he would have astonished me, and would instantly 
have refuted all my arguments ; but that unfortunately he was 
dead and gone, and that ever since his death he, the present 
Nizam, feared that both the talents and the good fortune of his 
family had been decreasing. 


Appendix 24. In answer to the last-mentioned remark, I endeavoured 
— r ' — ' to make a suitable observation, to the effect that the good 

Affairs of fortune of his family might still continue if he would act 
sensibly on the present occasion ; and I begged him to give his 
serious attention to the expediency of accepting the terms that 
had been offered to him by my Grovernment. His Highness 
then again called for Suraj-ool-Moolk ; and not only for that min- 
ister, but also for the two sons of Shums-ool-Oomrah, Oomdut- 
ool-Moolk, and Iktidar-ool-Moolk ; so that during the remainder 
part of my visit, besides the Nizam and myself, there were five 
other persons present, besides two or three apparently confi- 
dential servants, whose names I did not hear. 

25. The five persons just alluded to were the two sons of 
Shums-ool-Oomrah, Oomdut-ool-Moolk and Iktidar-ool-Moolk, 
the Minister, Suraj-ool-Moolk, his nephew, Salar Jung, and 
the urz-begee, Etezam-ool-Moolk. 

26. I have recorded the names of the above-mentioned five 
native gentlemen, because it was in their presence that the 
Nizam made a public declaration in regard to the contingent 
troops, which shall be detailed presently, and which gives to the 
British Grovernment a more complete right, and renders it in 
fact a more distinct duty, to insist upon a proper provision 
being made for the maintenance of that contingent than any- 
thing that was ever said before, either by the late Nizam or the 
present one. 

27. None of the five native gentlemen above mentioned took 
any part in the discussion ; but of course they heard all that 
was said on the subject, which must have been his Highness's 
object in inviting them to be present. After their arrival in the 
durbar room, many of the remarks that had been made before, 
both by the Nizam and myself, were made over again ; but I 
need not repeat those remarks, as they are already recorded in 
the previous paragraphs of this despatch ; but what I wish to 
record now, is the speech that the Nizam made to me in regard 
to the contingent ; and nothing could be more fair towards his 
Highness than the previous remarks on my part which led to 
the speech which I am about to record. 



28. Finding that the Nizam's dislike to the words et in per- Appendix 
petuity " was extreme, and fearing that the whole negotiation B - 
might fail if I insisted on that word, I announced that that was Affairs of 
a part of the scheme which my Government had allowed me the Nlzam< 
the liberty to alter if necessary ; and I announced formally, that 

if bis Highness wished it, the districts might be made over 
merely for a time, to maintain the contingent, as long as he 
might require it ; and further, that if he declared to me that he 
did not require that force, the Governor-General would gradually 
reduce it entirely, by discharging some men who were unfit, 
pensioning others who were old, and providing for others by 
employing them in other corps, &c. ; and when the whole should 
be reduced, which it might be in a very few years, he, the 
Nizam, might get the districts back again to his own manage- 
ment; and I went on to point out, that my Government, for 
the express purpose of avoiding any unnecessary amount of 
land being made over to us, had proposed that the amount of 
the contingent troops by the new treaty should be less by at 
least 1400 men than the strength of the present force; and 
hence that a smaller extent of territory was proposed to be 
made over to us, than if it had been settled that the force should 
be^kept up to its present strength. 

29. On hearing the last-mentioned remark from me, the 
Nizam spoke in the most clear and distinct manner as follows ; 
viz., u I beg you to write to the Governor-General that I do not 
want the contingent to be reduced from its present strength ; I 
am able to pay those troops, and willing to pay them regularly 
every month ; I undertake this myself independently altogether 
of the Minister's promises ; and if I fail in my undertaking, in 
four months from the present time, you may take possession of 
the districts; but until I shall fail in my undertaking, I claim 
from the Governor-General that he will not expose me to the 
disgrace of having any districts of my dominions placed under 
British officers, or call upon me to make any new treaty at all." 

30. In order that there should be no mistake in regard to the 
above-quoted declaration on the part of his Highness the Nizam, 
as well as with the view of having that declaration well im- 

VOL. I. D D 



Appendix pressed upon the memories of the several native gentlemen 
> _ B ' . present, I repeated this sentence opposite to which I have now 
Affairs of made a marginal black line to the Nizam, and I asked him if 
that was the message which he wished me to convey to the 
Grovernor-General ? His Highness replied distinctly that such 
was the message, and he even repeated the words, "If I fail, 
you may in that case have your own way, and take the dis- 

31. Immediately after the last-mentioned speech the Nizam 
expressed a wish to retire. I consented ; but I again earnestly 
recommended to his Highness to reflect more fully on this mat- 
ter, adding, that I was sure that the most sensible and respect- 
able of his own friends and subjects would advise him to accept 
the offer that had been made to him. The native gentlemen 
present still remained perfectly silent (I think they must have 
been ordered to be silent), but the Nizam so far altered his tone 
that he requested me to abstain from reporting to my Grovern- 
ment till after I should hear, in a couple of days, what a 
deputation from his Highness would explain to me about the 
securities that he can produce for the regular pay of the con- 
tingent in future ; and I accordingly agreed not to report to 
Government until I should receive the promised visit from the 
deputation in question, along with which, the Nizam said, that 
he would send some three or four lakhs of his own money in part 
payment of the debt, and the Minister promised at the same 
time to send three separate lakhs of rupees, for a month's pay 
now overdue to the contingent. I then took my leave of his 
Highness, and returned to the Kesidency. 

32. On the Monday following (that is, the day before yester- 
day, the Nizam's promise was so far performed, that I was 
visited by a deputation, but it was of a very different character 
indeed from that which had been nominally arranged on the 
Saturday. The deputation consisted only of the Minister and 
his nephew. They did not bring any money at all, either in 
payment of the debt, or for the current pay of the contingent; 
they only brought me a message from the Nizam to this effect, 
that he begged me, as a favour, to consent to send a khureeta 




the Nizam. 

from his Highness to the Governor- G-eneral, and to stay all Appendix 
further proceedings till a reply should arrive here from his S > „ 

Lordship. Affairs of 

33. I was very angry at being thus treated in regard to the 
deputation, and I did not at all conceal that feeling of displeasure 
from the Minister, whom I permitted to stay at the Eesidency 
only long enough to enable me to dictate a Persian memorandum, 
which I signed officially and then delivered it to him, with my 
request that he would take it without delay to his master. 

34. I herewith subjoin an English translation of the memo- 
randum in question ; and I have only to add to this already too 
long despatch, that I have this day received a note from the 
Minister, Suraj-ool-Moolk, apprising me that his Highness the 
Nizam wishes to see me on Saturday next, the 7th instant, to 
converse further about the proposed treaty ; and I have a sepa- 
rate message from the Minister, stating that he trusts I shall 
have every reason to be satisfied with what I shall then learn of 
his Highness's intentions. 

I have, &c, 
(Signed) J. Low, 

Hyderabad Eesidency, May 4th, 1853. Eesident. 

Translation of a Memorandum delivered this day, the 2nd of 
May, 1853, by Colonel Low, Resident at Hyderabad, to the 
Nuwab Suraj-ool-Moolk. 

The Nuwab Suraj-ool-Moolk has come to me to-day, very much 
to my surprise, without any money in part payment of the debt 
due to the British Government, and without the three lakhs of 
rupees for the pay of the contingent for last January ; and it 
appears to me, from his conversations, that no arrangements 
whatever are even in progress for making those payments. This 
is very strange and improper conduct, after what passed the day 
before yesterday at the Durbar, when the Nizam told me dis- 
tinctly that in that case I must have payment, without delay, of 
the debt due to the Company, principal and interest ; that I must 

d d 2 



Appendix have immediate payment, that is to say, this very day, the 2nd 
„ of May, of three lakhs of rupees, for the payment of the contin- 
Affairs of gent for last January ; and that I must also arrange for sufficient 
the Nizam, j^^g b em g ma de over to the management of British officers 
for the regular future monthly payment of the contingent 

The Dewan has now asked me this question from the Nizam, 
viz., Am I willing to send a khureeta from his Highness to the 
Governor-Greneral, and to await a reply from his Lordship ? My 
answer is, that I do not refuse to send such a khureeta ; I will 
send any khureeta at any time that his Highness chooses to 
write to my chief, the Governor-General ; but that I do refuse 
positively, in this case, to stop my present proceedings until an 
answer shall arrive from his Lordship, because I have received 
my final and precise orders on this subject from the Governor- 
General himself. 

If the Nizam be willing to form a new treaty on the basis of 
the draft which I have laid before him, I am entitled, as I ex- 
plained the day before yesterday fully, to make certain altera- 
tions in parts of the present draft ; that the Nizam said to me 
that he is unwilling to form any new treaty. Be it so. I do not 
force a treaty upon him ; but if a new treaty is not formed, my 
orders are positive to demand payment of the full debt of forty- 
six lakhs of rU|ees due to the Company, principal and interest ; 
also to require that three lakhs of rupees should be paid to me 
forthwith, without one day of delay, for the pay of the contingent 
due for last January ; and I am further ordered to lose no tkne 
in arranging for a sufficient amount of districts to be made over 
to the management of British officers for the regular future pay- 
ment of the contingent force. So many promises have been 
made and broken by the Nizam's Government, during a long 
course of years, about the pay of that contingent, that the British 
Grovernment has finally and positively resolved not to consent to 
any other arrangement for those payments than that districts 
which will produce the amount required shall be placed under 
the exclusive management of British officers. 

It is needless to write more at present, excepting this, — that 



I require three lakhs of rupees to be sent to me this very day 3 Appendix 

for the pay of January last. • B> . 

(Signed) J. Low, Affairs of 

Hyderabad Kesidency, 2nd May, 1853. Eesident. the Nizam - 

(A true copy of Memorandum.) 

(Signed) J. Low, 


No. 74 of 1853. — Foreign Department. 

From Colonel J. Low, C.B., Resident at Hyderabad, to C. Allen, 
Esq., Officiating Secretary to the Government of India, 
Fort William, 

Sir, — In my despatch, No. 71 in this department, of the 4th 
instant, I apprised you that his Highness the Nizam had fixed 
on Saturday the 7th instant for another conference in the palace 
respecting the proposed new treaty ; and the object of this de- 
spatch is to report what occurred on that occasion, and since that 
day up to the present time, in regard to these negotiations. 

2. As I had been informed that the Nizam intended at the 
conference of the 7th instant to have several men of high rank 
at the Durbar in addition to the Minister and the urz-begee, 
I directed Major Davidson to accompany me on.^iat occasion, 
under an impression that, unless the Nizam should express a wish 
for an entirely private conference (in which case I should of course 
have attended to his Highness's wishes), the presence of Major 
Davidson, from his minute knowledge of past occurrences, might 
be useful to me in my discussions with his Highness ; and that 
anticipation was fully verified by the result. 

3. The Nizam appeared on this occasion to be in perfect health. 
There was something of sadness in his expression of countenance ; 
but he received us with due courtesy and politeness. 

4. In the first instance, the only persons permitted by his 
Highness to remain in the reception-room, in addition to Major 
Davidson and myself, were the Minister, Suraj-ool-Moolk, and 
his nephew, Soolar Jung. 

5. According to a plan which I had previously resolved upon, 

D D ,1 




Affairs of 
the Nizam. 

I commenced this conference by an address to his Highness, 
which I had on the previous day committed to paper and shown 
to Major Davidson ; and in order to be sure that no part of it 
should be omitted, I took that paper with me. I put it down 
on the carpet between Major Davidson and myself, and I re- 
quested him, if I should omit any part of it, to point out the 
omission to me, in order that I might repair it. 

6. I proceeded accordingly to address the Nizam in polite 
terms, but in an earnest manner, to the following effect : viz., 
that the present is a very serious and important business between 
the two States ; that I have known the wishes and desires of my 
own Government on the subject for several months past, even 
before I left Calcutta ; that it is useless either for his Highness 
or for me to repeat over and over again what we have already 
said to each other ; that a wrangling kind of conversation between 
him and me is not suitable to either of our positions ; that I know 
exactly to what extent I am authorised to make any alterations 
in the proposed treaty ; and I know what points I am not per- 
mitted to concede; and therefore that I thought it would be 
advisable that I should now briefly explain those points. 

7. His Highness having here requested me to explain what- 
ever I chose, I proceeded to state as follows : " Your Highness 
dislikes to cede districts in perpetuity to the British Govern- 
ment : very well. I am authorised to modify that part of the 
plan, by having districts only made over to our management ; 
your sovereignty over them remaining undisputed, and being 
proved to the world, by our rendering annual accounts to you 
of their revenues ; and after paying the cost of the contin- 
gent, Appah Dessaye's chout, and certain pensioners of yours 
who are paid through the Eesidency, and the expenses of 
managing the districts in question, the Resident will pay any 
balance of cash that may exist into your Highness's hands, with 
perfect regularity and good faith. 

8. " Further, the Governor-General intended (believing that 
it will be agreeable to your Highness) to cancel your debt to us 
entirely in this general arrangement. You told me, however, 
on Saturday last, distinctly, that you preferred paving off the 



debt in specie : very well ; that part of the draft treaty can also Appendix 
be altered. I shall receive the money, if such be your wish, B ' 
and there will be something less of territory for you to make over Affairs of 
to our management ; but I cannot help repeating to you what I 
said last Saturday, that I think it would be much more to your 
Highness's advantage to pay that money, which now amounts to 
nearly fifty lakhs of rupees, to your own public servants and 
troops, to whom you are much in debt, by which act of justice 
and kindness you would make them contented and obedient to 
your orders. 

9. "Further, the Grovernor-G-eneral proposed to lessen the 
strength of the contingent by upwards of 1400 men. You told 
me on Saturday last, that you did not want any of those men to 
be reduced : very well ; I can alter that part of the draft treaty 
also ; but I am not permitted by my Government to make any 
change in that part of the plan which prescribes that districts 
must be made over to our exclusive management, to provide for 
the monthly pay of the contingent, whatever the strength of that 
force may be. I beg your Highness, therefore, to tell me whether 
you are willing to form a treaty on that basis, or not ; tell me, 
yes or no, in order that I may communicate your answer to the 
Governor-General. If you say no, I shall regret it for your own 
sake ; for the truth is, that as by your own admission you require 
the services of that contingent force, we must have districts under 
our management equal at least to the amount required for the 
payment of that force." 

10. At this part of the conference I explained to the Nizam 
(which was in addition to the address that I had committed to 
paper), that the making over of land to us, either in perpetuity, 
or to our exclusive management, for the pay of troops kept up 
according to the system of European discipline, had been found 
by long experience to be absolutely necessary all over India. I 
cited Oude as a case in point, from which districts had been 
ceded to us in perpetuity ; and I cited Gwalior as being a case 
exactly similar to what I was now recommending to his High- 
ness, viz., that of districts being made over to our management 
for the pay of a contingent ; accounts of the receipts and dis- 

D D 4 




the Nizam. 

Appendix bursements thereof being annually rendered to Scindia, and a 
balance of specie being paid into his Highness's treasury every 
Affairs of year.* 

11. I then closed my address to his Highness in the way that 
I had committed it to paper, namely, as follows : viz., " If you 
consent to form a treaty on the basis above explained, I shall be 
glad of it for your own sake, because there will be great comfort 
for yourself by your forming such a treaty ; there will be a large 
saving to your Government, in comparison to its present ex- 
penses, and there will be much additional leisure and means for 
your ministers and officers to pay your own people regularly, 
while there will be entire security for your Government, which 
will be cordially protected, and assisted, when necessary, by the 
irresistible power of British armies. What do you say, yes 
or no ? " 

12. His Highness replied, "I will neither say yes nor no; 
but I offer you the guarantee of some of the principal noblemen 
of my court for the future regular payment of the contingent 
every month, and I also engage to pay off the debt in the course 
of four months. If I write a khureeta to the Grovernor-Greneral 
to that effect, will you send it to his Lordship ? " 

13. I replied, "I will forward any khureeta from you to the 
Grovernor-Greneral without an}^ delay ; but I tell your Highness 
distinctly that the Grovernor-Greneral will not consider any per- 
sonal guarantee as sufficient security for the pay of the contin- 
gent ; the Grovernor-Greneral in Council has decided that nothing 
can be deemed sufficient security for that purpose, except the 
plan of having British officers in exclusive charge of districts 
that will yield net revenue to the amount required." 

14. His Highness here said, in an angry tone of voice, " Sup- 
pose I were to declare that I don't want the contingent all all ? " 

* The purport of the 6th, 7th, 8th, 
and 10th paragraphs of this letter 
was previously committed to paper, 
in order that I might be sure not to 
forget any portions of them ; and 1 
beo- to state that Major Davidson 

assured me that nothing was omitted ; 
the only difference being that the ad- 
dress which was spoken by me was 
more ample than that which I had 
written. — (Signed) J. Low, Resi- 



I answered him instanter, by saying, that T was quite prepared Appendix 
for that case, only that the removing of that force from his . _ B< , 
Highness's service must be done gradually, in order to preserve Affairs of 
the good faith of the British Government towards those troops, 
which had been heretofore kept up for the advantage of the 
Hyderabad Government, first by his father's consent, and then 
by his own, for a long course of years had been trained and dis- 
ciplined and commanded by British officers ; some years, I said, 
might perhaps elapse before all those men could either be other- 
wise provided for or discharged as they might respectively merit, 
and that until the whole could be removed from his Highness's 
service, we must still have command temporarily of districts for 
their regular payment. 

15. The Nizam here remarked that the contingent might 
easily be paid from the districts on the other side of Kurnool, 
which now yielded a much larger sum than was required for 
the subsidiary force; to which I merely replied that the districts 
alluded to are not within the frontiers of his Highness's do- 



16. About this time the Nizam sent for Shums-ool-Oomrah's 
two sons and for Syfe Jung, who had been for a short time Minister, 
also Gunneth Eao, who at one time had been named Peishcar, . 
and likewise the urz-begee, and several other persons whose 
names I did not learn. 

17. The two sons of Shums-ool-Oomrah took their seats directly 
opposite to his Highness and very near to him, and it was chiefly 
those two gentlemen who were addressed by his Highness dur- 
ing the remainder of the conference, when he was not speaking 
to myself. 

18. The Nizam then explained, in a very distinct and even 
lucid manner, the chief propositions of the British Government 
as contained in the draft treaty, and his own principal objections 
to that treaty. He adverted also to some of the arguments that 
I had made use of in discussing the subject with his Highness; 
and it struck both Major Davidson and myself that his Highness 
stated the case very fairly ; and he ended this speech, which may 
be said to have been addressed to all the six or seven of his 



Appendix officers who were seated, by asking them what they advised him 
__ B _ to do. 

Affairs of 19. No one made any reply, excepting Shums-ool-Oomrah's 
e izara. gecon( j gon ^ iktidar-ool-Moolk, who said, " If it is the (xovernor- 
Greneral's determination to have districts for the pay of the con- 
tingent, what advice need we give ? Your Highness does not 
require our advice or any further consultation on the subject." 

20. As there was then an entire silence on all sides, I thought 
it advisable to speak direct to the native gentlemen present, in 
order that they should know as exactly as I could recollect the 
various arguments that I had made use of to persuade their 
master to agree to the treaty, and his Highness made no objec- 
tion whatever to my doing so. It would be superfluous here to 
record those arguments, as they have been already fully related in 
my despatches. It is sufficient now to say that all the party 
present listened attentively to what I said, but none of them 
would make any observations in reply, either of assent or dis- 
sent, to my reasoning. 

21. When I was relating to the native gentlemen present 
what had passed between the Nizam and myself, I referred to 
what he had said about an hour previously, of his adverting to 
the possibility of his not requiring the contingent at all, but be- 
fore I could go on any further in my narrative I was interrupted 
by his Highness, who said, " No, no, I do not wish to disband 
the contingent ; I was not speaking seriously when I put that 
supposed case to you." Shums-ool-Oomrah's eldest son, Umdut- 
ool-Moolk, took that opportunity of echoing the sentiment that 
the contingent troops were very necessary for keeping down the 
turbulent spirit that was often evinced amongst the people of 
this country. 

22. It is proper that I should here record the fact that the 
Nizam at this durbar stated distinctly, more than once, that he 
must have the services of the contingent troops ; and on one 
occasion he spoke rather pettishly respecting the reduction in 
their numbers, as proposed in the draft treaty, seemingly in- 
tending to indicate that any reduction of them ought to depend 
upon himself. 




23. The Nizam at one time made use of rather a sarcastic Appendix 
expression, to the effect that all this vexatious discussion had ^ . 
arisen from the high value that the British power places upon ^ ffa ^ of 
money ; adding, when speaking to Shums-ool-Oomrah's sons, 

u These gentlemen " (meaning British officers) " are such man- 
agers that if they get a village from me that yielded a thousand 
rupees per annum, they will in a few years make three thousand 
rupees of it ; " and I therefore took particular pains to prove to 
the party assembled that my Grovernment had no desire to gain 
money for itself in this arrangement. " Whatever surplus 
money we can make " (said I) " by the good management which 
his Highness talks of, will go into the coffers of his Highness 
himself by the plan which I now offer to him of having districts 
only made over to our exclusive management, and not trans- 
ferred to us as our own property." And I concluded by saying, 
with a smile, " I suppose you do not suspect us of being likely 
to cheat you in making up the accounts." 

24. My last observation seemed to restore a certain degree of 
good humour to the party, and led to some civil speeches being 
made about the truthfulness and good faith of British officers, 
and also led to some general conversation, in which almost every 
person present joined more or less. The chief subject of that 
conversation was the difficulty that exists in almost all native 
states in paying troops monthly with that extraordinary precision 
which is practised by the British Grovernment, and this led the 
Nizam to mention, as he had done on a former occasion, that 
Earn Buksh, when he was in office, had paid the contingent re- 
gularly for ten months in succession. I said, " I fear your 
Highness has been much misinformed in that matter ; pray ask 
Major Davidson how it was." Major Davidson was asked ac- 
cordingly, and immediately proved that Earn Buksh had been 
peculiarly defective in his arrangements about the payment of 
the contingent. The Nizam then said, that when he had acted 
as his own minister the contingent had been regularly paid every 
month ; but here again his Highness was proved to have been 
mistaken, by the testimony of Major Davidson, who informed 
him that during that short period of time the contingent had 


the Nizam. 

Appendix nine lakhs of rupees of arrears due to them. This part of 
. . / . „ the conversation ended by its being admitted on all sides, 
Affairs of that the only time since the resignation of Eaja Chundoo Lall 
that the contingent had been paid with bond fide regularity, 
was the five months during which Shums-ool-Oomrah was the 

25. The Nizam, finding that he could not make good any of 
his assertions in regard to former payments, reverted to the 
language he has so often made use of during these discussions, 
namely, that the future ought not to be judged of by the past, 
and as he is now more fully determined than ever he was in his 
life to insist upon the contingent being paid monthly, he would 
have that object effected in one way or other. He added, " If I 
cannot do it through one minister I will do it through another." 
I replied, that the choice of the officers of his government was 
his- own concern, and not mine, as he had been told some years 
ago by the Governor- General's own khureeta. " Yes," (said the 
Nizam) <c apparently that was the case, and yet how was my 
Mutsuddy Grunesh Eao treated when I appointed him ? " and, 
without waiting for any answer, he added, " I have tried much 
to please your Grovernment in such matters ; " to which I replied, 
that he might rest assured that my Grovernment was thoroughly 
sincere in declaring to him that he was entirely at liberty to 
select his own ministers. 

26. The conversation being again at a stand-still, I reminded 
his Highness that he had not yet answered my question, as to 
whether he would consent to form a new treaty? when he 
answered, in a very testy manner, as follows : " I could answer in 
a moment, but what is the use of answering ? If you are de- 
termined to take districts, you can take them without my either 
making a new treaty or giving any answer at all." 

27. The moment that the Nizam uttered the sentence above 
quoted, the youngest son of Shums-ool-Oomrah leant forward, and 
urgently begged his Highness to take two more days to consider 
of the matter, and to appoint Tuesday, the 10th instant (this 
day), for the final settlement of this important matter. The 
Nizam gave his consent, and so did I, to that proposition ; and I 



was then informed by his Highness that a deputation from him Appen 
would wait upon me on Tuesday the 10th, and thus ended my . . B " 
long and unsuccessful conference of the 7th instant, at which Affairs 
there was only one circumstance which was satisfactory to me, tlie Niz 
viz., that so many men of consequence about the durbar had an 
opportunity of knowing precisely what has actually been said by 
me on this subject to their master; for I cannot help thinking, 
from the manner of several of the most influential of those men, 
and from messages that I have received from them, that they 
really believe that the transfer of some districts to our manage- 
ment is not merely the only possible way of paying the contin- 
gent, but that such an arrangement will also be both a saving of 
money and a practical relief to the current working of the 
native government. 

28. I regret, however, to state, that the promised deputation 
has not visited me to-day ; and that instead of my receiving those 
gentlemen this day, his Highness begs me to receive on the 
morning of Thursday next (the day after to-morrow) a visit 
from his uncle-in-law, Shums-ool-Oomrah ; and I have consented 
(though reluctantly) to that extra delay of two days, chiefly 
because I think it will be of some advantage to me to discuss 
these matters with an influential person of such good sense as 
Shums-ool-Oomrah. I have never hitherto even seen that noble- 
man, but I believe him to be a man who has been remarkable 
through a long life for truthfulness and general respectability of 

29. According to general rumour in the city of Hyderabad 
yesterday and to-day, the Nizam has particularly requested 
Shums-ool-Oomrah to accept the office of Prime Minister, and the 
latter has positively refused the office on the score of his advanced 
age and delicate health ; and it is therefore believed here at 
present that Shums-ool-Oomrah's projected visit to me the day 
after to-morrow will be chiefly, if not entirely, for the purpose of 
endeavouring to persuade me to ask the Most Noble the Gover- 
nor-General in Council to give the Nizam a further trial of 
paying the contingent in his own way, and to solicit his Lord- 
ship to abstain from any demand for the management of districts, 


Appendix unless the Nizam shall again fail to pay those troops with the 

B - regularity which we require. 
Affairs of 30. I need scarcely add, in conclusion, that I shall not recede 
the Nizam. a ^ a ^ f rom the assertion that I have hitherto continued to make, 
that nothing short of our having exclusive management of ter- 
ritory will be admitted by my Government to be sufficient 
security for the payment of the contingent troops. 

I have, &c, 
(Signed) J. Low, 

Hyderabad Kesidency, 10th May, 1853. Kesident. 

No. 78 of 1853. — Foreign Department. 

From Colonel J. Low, C.B., Resident at Hyderabad, to C. Allen, 
Esq., Officiating Secretary to the Government of India, Fort 

Sir, — Eeferring you to the concluding portion of my despatch, 
No. 74, of the 10th instant, I have now the honour to report 
that Shums-ool-Oomrah paid me his promised visit yesterday, 
accompanied by both of his sons. 

2. Shums-ool-Oomrah, although bearing visible marks of old 
age, has still to all appearance much more of bodily strength than 
I supposed from the accounts that I had heard of his health ; 
while his intellect, I should say, has not yet been at all impaired, 
either from his advanced period of life or from any other cause. 
His manner and conversation are particularly pleasing, and 
evince much manliness and good sense. 

3. The only persons present at the conversation on business 
which passed between Shums-ool-Oomrah and myself, were his 
two sons above mentioned and Major Davidson. 

4. After we had been seated in a private room only a very 
few minutes, I discovered that the chief message (and I might 
also say the only positive one, that the Nizam sent to me, was 
simply this, that " His Highness begged to have four months 
given to him from this time for paying off his debt, and for ar- 
ranging everything to the satisfaction of the Resident." 



5. I immediately observed in a tone of surprise and dis- Appendix 
pleasure, " So his Highness has neither sent any money for the / 
last and present month's pay due to the contingent, nor even of 
professed to be making any arrangements for the pay of that 

force during the four months alluded to ? " In reply to which 
Iktidar-ool-Moolk, the youngest son (who is believed to be am- 
bitious of being the Prime Minister), said, " Oh, that is an under- 
stood point ; if his Highness can obtain the four months' delay 
that he asks for, in order to pay off the debt, he will, of course, 
pay the contingent for last month, and pay it regularly also 
during the four months : " but the father, with his characteristic 
honesty, immediately said, " My son, his Highness may have 
meant all that you mention, but he did not say so to me ; I have 
delivered the message that I was charged with correctly to the 

6. Shums-ool-Oomrah then mentioned a second message which 
the Nizam had gone through the form of sending to me, to the 
following purport, viz., that he is prepared to make over districts 
yielding 40 lakhs of rupees per annum to the exclusive manage- 
ment of Shums-ool-Oomrah for the sole purpose of paying the con- 
tingent ; but Shums-ool-Oomrah went on to say, " Such is the in- 
formation that the Nizam has desired me to announce to you, 
but it is only due to myself that I should also tell you what I 
said to my master on that subject ; I said, f I am an old man, 
and I don't want such an arduous charge at all, but if it be your 
HigUness's wish, I will undertake it, on the condition that the 
districts shall be actually made over to me, and that I shall not 
be interfered with at all by the Minister, or the Peishcar, or the 
Dufturdars ; I could not succeed in such a business, unless I 
performed the duty entirely under the orders of the British Ee- 
sident,' " 

7. When I asked what the Nizam's reply had been to the above- 
mentioned proposition, Shums-ool-Oomrah replied, "I am bound 
as a man who speaks the truth to say, that although his Highness 
did not say no, yet neither did he consent to the condition that 
I demanded." 

8. The foregoing statement of what had passed between 




Affairs of 
the Nizam. 

Shums-ool-Oomrah and the Nizam, showing, as it did, the con- 
tinued repugnance of the latter to forming the proposed treaty, 
even on the modified plan that I suggested to his Highness on 
the 7th instant, led to a long conversation, in which all of us 
(five in number) who were present took part ; but as that con- 
versation chiefly related to all that has already passed between 
the Nizam and myself respecting the proposed treaty, all of which 
has already been duly reported, I need not add to the length of 
this despatch by detailing the conversation that now took place. 
It will be sufficient to mention a suggestion that was made to 
me by Shums-ool-Oomrah, and which I adopted, at least to 
a certain extent, as I now proceed to explain. 

9. The suggestion alluded to was to the following purport: 
that although the Nizam evidently would not consent to Shums- 
ool-Oomrah having charge of districts under the orders of the 
Resident, because that would be, in fact, like making the districts 
over to the Resident himself, and thus separating them from the 
Nizam's government, " it was possible " (said Shums-ool-Oom- 
rah) 66 that his Highness would execute the treaty if the districts 
were nominally made over to the Resident and to Shums-ool- 
Oomrah jointly, as that would save appearances ; that is to say, 
it would save the honour of the Nizam, and yet be efficient for 
our purposes, because the management of the districts would be 
in reality in the hands of the Resident, although nominally he 
would be associated in the charge with a nobleman of the Nizam's 

10. There are several serious objections to such a scheme as 
that above sketched ; and therefore I at once and finally deter- 
mined not to commit my Government in the matter by saying 
that I could procure the Governor-General's consent to it ; but 
as the Nizam seems at present to adhere obstinately to his plan 
of holding the language reported in the 26th paragraph of my 
despatch, No. 74 (and now for ready reference copied in the 
margin*), and as I consider that the Governor- General in Council 

* 26. The conversation being swered my question, as to whether 
again at a stand-still, I reminded his he would consent to form a new 
Highness that he had not yet an- treaty, when he answered in a very 


might perhaps rather have a treaty modified as now suggested Appendix 
by Shums-ool-Oomrah in the 6 th article, than that we should ^' , 
have no treaty at all, and hence be compelled to take possession ^ ffa ^ of 
of districts by physical force, I agreed to* consent, on certain con- 
ditions (and if the Nizam should particularly wish it), to ask the 
Grovemor-Greneral whether his Lordship is or is not willing to 
give a trial to the proposed plan. But in order to be sure of 
being on the safe side, I announced to Shums-ool-Oomrah my 
own opinion that the Grovernor-Greneral would not be satisfied 
with such a mode of managing the districts which are to provide 
for the payment of the contingent. 

11. Such being the understanding between Shums-ool-Oomrah 
and myself as to the extent to which I would adopt his suggestion, 
Major Davidson and I immediately drafted in English a new 
article, No. 6, for the treaty, and a note which I proposed to 
address to Shums-ool-Oomrah himself, and I then read those 
two drafts over to him in Oordoo. He understood their contents 
perfectly, and it was settled that I should send Persian papers to 
him, to the same purport, in the course of the afternoon; it was 
also settled that Shums-ool-Oomrah should on the morrow (that 
is to say, this day) take those papers to the Nizam, and return 
to me on the 14th instant, to communicate to me his Highness's 
final answer. I accordingly expect another visit from Shums- 
ool-Oomrah to-morrow. 

12. In conclusion, I beg to say that I herewith enclose copies 
and translations of the several papers which I sent to Shums-ool- 
Oomrah yesterday evening, as also a copy and translation of 
a note received from him this afternoon. I trust that my note 
of yesterday to Shums-ool-Oomrah cannot be disapproved by 
Government (although it offers to forward a request from the 
Nizam's, differing from any part of my instructions), seeing that 
I concluded that note in the following words, viz. : " Be pleased 
to bear in mind, that unless the Nizam shall send to me at least 

testy manner, as follows : — "I could them, without my either making a 

answer in a moment, but what is the new treaty, or giving any answer at 

use of answering ? If you are deter- all." 
mined to take districts, you can take 




Appendix six lakhs of rupees forthwith, to show that he is serious in his 

v ^ — * desire to do what is just (towards the contingent force), I cannot 

even ask the Governor-General if he is willing to make any 
change whatever. Moreover, I tell you distinctly, that I don't 
think the Grovernor-Greneral will consent to the alteration pro- 
posed; viz., that there shall be a joint management of districts 
between the Kesident and a nobleman of this durbar ; therefore, 
I once more earnestly advise the Nizam to consent immediately 
to the treaty, with an article, in lieu of the present 6th one, like 
to the enclosed paper marked No. 2. 

I have, &c, 
(Signed) J. Low, 

Hyderabad Residency, 13th May, 1853. Kesident. 

Translation of a Note from the Resident to Shums-ool-Oomrah, 
dated \2th May, 1853. 

As the Nizam has so great a dislike to the 6th and 7th articles 
of the present draft treaty, and as I find that his Highness wishes 
to avoid the appearance of giving over districts exclusively to the 
management of British officers, even upon the plan of their only 
having the management of such lands, I herewith enclose draft 
of an article, marked No. 1. For the sole purpose of pleasing 
his Highness, I am willing to ask the Governor-General if he 
will consent to it, as a substitute for the 6th and 7th articles of 
the present draft treaty ; but I repeat to you now, what I said to 
you verbally this forenoon, that by far the best plan for his 
Highness is, to consent at once to the entire treaty ; only with 
the present 6th article altered like the paper enclosed in this 
note marked No. 2. 

Be pleased to bear in mind, that unless the Nizam shall send 
to me at least six lakhs of rupees forthwith, to show that he is 
serious in his desire to do what is just, I cannot even ask the 
Governor-General if he is willing to make any change whatever. 
Moreover, I tell you distinctly, that I do not think the Governor- 
General will consent to the alteration proposed, viz., that there 



shall be a joint management of districts between the Resident 
and a nobleman of this durbar. Therefore I once more earnestly 
advise the Nizam to consent immediately to the treaty with an 
article, in lieu of the present 6th one, like to the enclosed paper 
marked No. 2. 

No. 1. 

Article 6th. — For the regular payment of the expenses of the 
said contingent and payment of Appah Dessaye's chout, allow- 
ance to Moluput Ram's family, the Mahratta Sahanadars, as 
guaranteed in the 10th article of the Treaty of 1822, and the 
interest, at six per cent, per annum, of the debt due to the 
Honourable Company, so long as the principal of that debt shall 
remain unpaid, and which now amounts to about sixty lakhs of 
Hyderabad rupees, the Nizam hereby assigns the districts men- 
tioned in the accompanying Schedule, marked A., yielding an 
annual gross revenue of forty lakhs of rupees, to the entire 
management, as Commissioners, of the Resident at Hyderabad 
for the time being, and Shums-ool-Oomrah, the Ameer-ee-Kub- 
beer Bahadoor, or, in the event of his death or resignation, such 
nobleman or officer of the Hyderabad Government as may be 
selected by the Nizam and the Resident. 

Article 7th. — The districts in the Schedule A. above mentioned 
to be immediately transferred to the Commissioners named in the 
preceding article, and no interference whatever with their joint 
management is to be exercised, either now or hereafter, in any 
way, by the Nizam's government, or any of its officers. Accounts 
will be rendered annually by the Commissioners to the Nizam ; 
and all surplus revenue, after the payment of the contingent and 
the allowances above detailed and the interest of the debt, shall 
be paid regularly by the Resident to his Highness. 

N.B. — You will understand that article 8 of the draft treaty 
forwarded to his Highness will be struck out altogether. 

No. 2. 

Article 6th. — For the regular payment of the expenses of the 
said contingent, and payment of Appah Dessaye's chout, allow- 

E e 2 


Affairs of 
the Nizam. 



Appendix ance to Moluput Eam's family, the Mahratta Sahanadars, as 

- ^ < guaranteed in the 10th article of the Treaty of 1822, and the 

Affairs of interest, at six per cent, per annum, of the debt due to the 
Honourable Company, so long as the principal of that debt shall 
remain unpaid, and which now amounts to' about fifty lakhs of 
Hyderabad rupees, the Nizam hereby assigns the districts men- 
tioned in the accompanying Schedule marked A., yielding an 
annual gross revenue of forty lakhs of rupees, to the entire and 
exclusive management of the British Eesident for the time being 
at Hyderabad. 

Article 7th. — The districts mentioned in Schedule A. are to 
be immediately transferred to the Eesident's management, who 
will render accounts annually to the Nizam, and make over any 
surplus revenue to his Highness, after the payment of the con- 
tingent and the other items detailed in the preceding article. 

N. B. — You will understand that article 8 of tlie draft treaty 
forwarded to his Highness will be struck out altogether. 

Translation of a Note from Shums-ool-Oomrah Bahadoor to 
the Eesident, dated 13th May, 1853. 

I had an interview this day of full two hours with his Highness 
the Nizam, to whom I fully represented the whole of the matters 
you communicated to me yesterday. His Highness has directed 
me to attend at the Eesidency to-morrow, and to convey to you 
the expression ; therefore I shall do myself the honour to wait 
upon you at eleven o'clock to-morrow, and iuform you of his 
Highness's commands. 

(True translation.) 

(Signed) J. Low, 




No. 79 of 1853. — Foreign Department. Appendix 


From Colonel J. Low, C.B., Resident Hyderabad, to C. Allen, *" ' ' 

Aiiiiirs of 

Esq., Officiating Secretary to the Government of India, Fort the Nizam. 

Sir, — In continuation of the subject of my despatch, No. 78, 
dated yesterday, I have now the honour to report that Shums- 
ool-Oomrah, according to his promise, paid me a visit this fore- 
noon, accompanied, as before, by both of his sons. 

2. I regret very much to state that the message brought to me 
on this occasion from the Nizam was most unsatisfactory. It 
amounted, in fact, merely to this : that his Highness cannot 
perceive the necessity for British officers having anything to do 
with the revenue management of districts in his dominions, and 
that if Shums-ool-Oomrah cannot persuade me to recommend 
to my Government to allow the Nizam four months from the 
present time to make suitable arrangements for paying off the 
debt, and for providing the means of regular future payment for 
the contingent, that his Highness would request me to visit him 
at his palace once more, in order that he should explain his plans 
to me himself. 

3. Shums-ool-Oomrah assured me that he was much grieved 
at being the channel, after all that had passed, of conveying 
such a message to me, and that he felt ashamed at the obstinacy 
and most erroneous judgment which have been evinced by the 
Nizam during the last few days, connected with this negotiation. 

4. Shums-ool-Oomrah declared solemnly to me (and to Major 
Davidson, who also was present on this occasion), that he yester- 
day, in presence of both his sons, not only advised but entreated 
the Nizam to agree to the treaty upon the plan suggested by me 
in the paper marked No. 2*, which I sent to Shums-ool-Oomrah 
on the 12th instant; but that his Highness was inflexible in his 
adherence to his own views, and that he made use of rude and 

* A translation of that paper ac- dated yesterday.— (Signed) J. Low, 
companied my despatch. No. 78, Resident. 



Appendix illiberal expressions to Shums-ool-Oomrah, when the latter 

s- ^ — ✓ stated opinions at variance from those of his Highness. 

Affairs of 5. Shums-ool-Oomrah mentioned, as an instance of the rude- 
e izam. negg ^ tem p er y es t e rday exhibited by the Nizam, that his High- 
ness said at one time, * If I am ever compelled to give up districts 
to the British power, I will take an equivalent from you and 
others of my subjects who enjoy jagheers." Shums-ool-Oomrah, 
however, after relating the speech above quoted, immediately 
added, "But I am sure that his Highness will not be so cruel 
and unjust as to act in that manner, although he said that he 
would do so." 

6. When Shums-ool-Oomrah, at one part of this conference, 
was speaking of the difficulty that he and other men of rank 
must always have in effecting any object with the Nizam con- 
trary to his Highness's own previous inclinations, he mentioned 
that a favourite khidmutgar of the Nizam, named Booran-ood- 
Deen (who was constantly in attendance at the durbar), could 
at any time, by a single glance, induce his Highness to stop short 
in any promise that he was making, or opinion that he was ex- 
pressing, to a minister or a nobleman in the State ; and that 
he, Shums-ool-Oomrah, felt sure that the undue influence of 
Booran-ood-Deen had been exerted against his own recommen- 
dations yesterday. 

7. In reply to the message sent to me by the Nizam, I spoke 
as follows to Shums-ool-Oomrah : " I will not refuse to visit the 
Nizam, if he sends for me, but that I consider it useless ; and 
that I must now immediately report his Highness's obstinacy 
and folly to my own Government, and if his Highness does not 
forthwith depart from his present .foolish ^g ojuduct, he will 
assuredly hereafter have much cause to regret that folly ; but 
that this will be no fault of mine, as I have done all that I could 
do to guide him to a wiser course, by honest and disinterested 
explanations and advice." Shums-ool-Oomrah and his sons 
concurred in those sentiments, and nothing more occurred 
during their visit which requires to be recorded, 

8. Shums-ool-Oomrah and his sons left me to return to the 
city two hours ago. Immediately after their departure from 



the Residency I wrote a note to the Minister, Suraj-ool-Moolk, Appendix 
requesting particularly that he would, without delay, come to B ' „ 
see me on business of urgent importance ; to which note I have Affairs of 
received a reply, to the effect that he will call upon me at seven 
o'clock this evening. To-morrow is Sunday ; but on the following 
day (the 1 6th) I shall have the honour of addressing you again 
on the general subject of my late unsuccessful negotiations. 

9. I am not without some hope that the very circumstance of 
Shums-ool-Oomrah having failed in his attempt to influence the 
Nizam in this matter, may prove a powerful incentive to his 
rival, Suraj-ool-Moolk, to exert himself more now than he has 
ever hitherto done in favour of my views ; and as I believe that 
he has lately, by pecuniary donations and promises of more, 
gained over to his interests, generally speaking, the famous 
Booran-ood-Deen (mentioned in a previous part of this letter), 
it seems to me quite possible that Suraj-ool-Moolk may yet have 
the means of doing much good in this negotiation, if he will but 
duly exert himself for that purpose ; and I shall of course do my 
utmost to induce him to make the requisite exertions. 

I have, &c, 
(Signed) J. Low, 

Hyderabad Residency, 14th May, 1853. Resident. 








Briggs, Henry George 
The Nizam